In this period of deep crisis of the state-capitalist system, the imposition and deepening of modern totalitarianism is not an aberration, but a conscious strategy of power for complete domination over the social body, suppression of all resistance and maximization of elite profits. On the international scene, traditional alliances are being renegotiated, entrenched rivalries are retreating or transforming, making the fluidity and instability of geopolitical antagonisms increasingly evident. In the absence of an indisputable superpower, many states are seeking to emerge as "sovereign managers" of a world of increasing friction, with the so-called "multipolarity" not signaling a balance of equal forces, but a conflict of many centers of the same state and capitalist exploitation for the control of resources and flows. Among the powerful there is no winner and loser; maintaining the system in crisis is a victory for all, with the cost always being transferred to those from below.
The savage attack on those from below all over the world includes military operations, the imposition of dictatorial-theocratic regimes and the overthrow of others, the incitement of civil conflicts, the destruction of productive forces, the control of wealth-producing sources, the economic bleeding of entire populations, the environmental destruction of entire regions and, of course, a huge number of human losses. In this way, not only the incurable contradictions of the state-capitalist model of organization are highlighted, but also its absolute inability to produce any coherent social vision and perspective. As long as societies are bound by the so-called "national interest", private profit and capitalist accumulation, armed conflicts will be the only way out.At the same time, capitalist restructuring is taking place in the direction of total imposition in all social fields. Consent is no longer obtained in the ways of past decades; power increasingly resorts to overt violent imposition, to the permanentization of the state of emergency and to the constant upgrading of repressive mechanisms against those who resist. The collapse of the previous neoliberal institutionality and right-wing political conquests, the adoption of the "Trumpian" model of practicing global diplomacy, the broader military reorganization, the adoption of warlike rhetoric, the arms race, the global rise of the far right, are paving the way for the coming wars and preparing societies to accept sending their children to die not in the pursuit of freedom and the defense of life, but in order to serve interstate rivalries and the interests of the ruling class, in order to continue and deepen the plunder of our lives.
Bolivia
In late April, the Bolivian state, led by the far-right government of Rodrigo Paz, passed Law 1720, which paves the way for small and medium-sized farms to enter the financial system, as well as to be mortgaged and sold. This is an attempt to privatize the land of small and medium-sized farmers, as these lands, until recently, were protected from being absorbed by big capital. Immediately after the law was passed, farmers and indigenous people began to protest and marched hundreds of kilometers to La Paz, the administrative capital of Bolivia, demanding the repeal of Law 1720. Arriving in La Paz, they joined workers, miners, teachers and others, broadening their demands and demanding the resignation of the far-right president. The response from state administrators was violent repression, first with a murderous attack by the police and then with the involvement of the army. The protests, however, not only do not subside, but as they expand, they simultaneously radicalize, with general assemblies springing up in every neighborhood of the cities, roads being blocked for days, and the bases of the trade union organizations calling for an escalation of the struggle, questioning the trade union hierarchies.
Here we should highlight two issues: One is that an important role in the evolving social uprising of the Bolivian people has been played by both indigenous people, such as the "Red Poncho" movement, which is made up of the indigenous Aymaras and is at the heart of all the uprisings that have erupted in Bolivia since 2022, and by the collective experience of struggles linked to the land of previous decades, such as the water war in 2000. The second decisive issue is that the union leaderships of the CIDOB (Confederation of Indigenous Peoples of Bolivia) and COB (Central Organization of Bolivian Workers) unions and other rural unions, standing on the other side of the barricade, have ceased to present themselves as the main spokesmen of the Bolivian people. This happened because already in the first attempt to pass the neoliberal austerity measures, in December 2025/January 2026, and the major mobilizations that followed, the union leaderships entered into negotiations with government representatives and managed to extinguish the flame of the rebellion, in the first phase. Since April and Law 1720, however, the government's attempt to split the front of the struggle, with promises of some concessions to the major trade unions, has fallen on deaf ears.
In fact, through the development of the mobilizations, farmers, indigenous people, teachers and urban workers managed to organize themselves from below, creating self-organized assemblies at the local and regional level, shifting the character of the mobilization from a demand-based to a social uprising, with unpredictable dynamics. There is no shortage of road and city blockades, constant clashes with the army and police and the massification of already existing self-organized structures. For the indigenous people and farmers, as they themselves declare, their struggle is collective and not individual because their land was and is a collective affair and not individual. This is what became an example for urban workers, who are rediscovering the power of self-organization as the uprising continues to this day.
If we look beyond Bolivia's borders, we find certain common features in Latin American countries. On the one hand, we have several far-right governments, led by the US and trying to impose neoliberal reforms again as in the past. On the other hand, there is the rich history of self-organized struggles of indigenous peoples and workers from Chile in 2019, Argentina in 2001 to Bolivia in 2000 and today, which has attempted over time to put a brake on the advance of state and capitalist interests, connecting common struggles, in a continent where land and life are intertwined with collective experience. This is why the social uprising in Bolivia is important, because it has the potential, as an example, to stir up self-organized struggles against state and capital in every corner of Latin America.
Sudan
Sudan has been in a state of war since April 2023, when the two opposing camps of the military and paramilitary ruling class began fighting each other for power. On the one hand, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and on the other, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). This conflict has displaced at least 10 million people and about 44 million face the threat of famine. In this harsh reality, the story of the self-organization of the Sudanese people will play a primary role in the country's political scene.
In December 2018, a general uprising broke out against the long-standing military regime of Omar Al-Bashir. The Sudanese Revolution as it would be called. The Al-Bashir regime came to power after a coup in 1989. In 2000, it activated the army and paramilitary organizations to suppress uprisings in Darfur, accusing non-Arab tribes of genocide and war crimes. These same paramilitary organizations were transformed, in 2013, into the RSF alongside the official Sudanese army (SAF), under the supervision of Al-Bashir's dictatorship.
The Sudanese Revolution, which broke out in December 2018, immediately took on the characteristics of a self-organized struggle through the strengthening of the Resistance Committees (RCs), which had already been in operation since 2013. The Resistance Committees (RCs) are grassroots organizations that were created in every neighborhood of the cities throughout the country, with millions participating in them. At first, they played a key role in organizing the demonstrations and later created other structures to better coordinate the rebels, in increasingly difficult conditions. In April 2019, under the weight of the Sudanese Revolution and much less international pressure, the SAF and RSF removed Al-Bashir and together with opposition parties formed a transitional government until 2023, when elections would be called. In October 2021, however, they overthrew the transitional government in a coup and soon after began hostilities between themselves. Before the October 2021 coup was even announced, protests had already begun with roadblocks from small towns to the capital. The Resistance Committees (RCs) are once again playing a pivotal role, taking on the task of organizing resistance to the new coup attempt by the SAF and RSF, holding demonstrations, providing food and shelter to displaced people, and creating the vision of building a Sudan from below, through the charters (statutes they presented to the Sudanese people for the redistribution of wealth and the reorganization of political power in order to dismantle the political institutions of the authoritarian regime). The repression by the SAF and RSF was harsh, and although they became rivals, they had and still have one thing in common: their shared hatred of the Sudanese Revolution, which they attempted to suppress together.
In October 2023, when the war between them breaks out, the Emergency Centers/Structures (ERs) are created with the decisive contribution of the Resistance Committees (RCs). Grassroots organizations, that is, which undertook the organization of health facilities, the provision of information about safe places, the organization and maintenance of public utilities (electricity, water, etc.), the creation of community kitchens, and so on. The Sudanese Revolution remained and remains, although weakened, still alive. The Sudanese people, organized at the grassroots, are trying to survive, in the midst of a fierce war away from the spotlight of international politics. Western states are silent and turn a blind eye to the atrocities being committed in the once colonial Sudan and to the responsibility they bear for the conditions of separation of the Sudanese people that prevailed and the targeting of specific parts of it. The grassroots Sudanese revolution, which began in December 2018, can serve as an example of changing the state capitalist system first in Sudan, threatening the Sudanese elite and then for the grassroots globally.
Iran
In the Middle East, we are facing a new bloody escalation of imperialist barbarity, this time against the Iranian people. The attacks that have begun since February 28 by the US and Israel, strikes that are called "self-defense," are the latest episode in the war carnage in the region.
The people of Iran have a long history of struggle against tyrannical regimes. The Iranian revolution of 1979 overthrew the Shah's dictatorial regime, but it was quickly replaced by the theocratic regime of Khomeini. The new Khomeini regime murdered thousands of political prisoners and activists, branding them "agents" to legitimize its brutality.
In this historic, geopolitical juncture, the people of Iran find themselves trapped between two ruthless mechanisms of power. On the one hand, Western imperialism, under the guise of liberation, aims for geopolitical control, without hesitating to destroy critical social infrastructure such as schools and desalination plants, causing water shortages, environmental destruction and sowing death. On the other hand, the theocratic regime of the Mullahs, with martial law through the Revolutionary Guards, seeks to maintain its power, at the expense of the people. We do not forget that this same regime, shortly before receiving Western bombs, drowned in blood the great popular uprising in January 2026, murdering 5,000 to 30,000 people in order to suppress their struggle for bread, freedom and women's emancipation. No imperialist intervention can liberate the people. Liberation will not come through bombings, nor through replacing a theocratic dictatorship with a monarchy, as the mouthpieces of Reza Pahlavi who patronize the uprising in line with Western interests dream of.
Of course, Greece, as part of the Western power bloc, in addition to its political support for the US-Israeli attacks on Iran, is also deepening its involvement in military operations, such as the Greek Patriots used to intercept Iranian ballistic missiles. On the other hand, we also have the distortion of what anti-imperialism is. The logic of "the enemy of my enemy is my friend" is completely political and moral bankruptcy and is completely foreign to the anarchist concept. These "influences" come from authoritarian and authoritarian tendencies, mainly on the left, through the support of totalitarian state formations, condemnation of popular uprisings, encampment in power blocs, consciously false bipolars, emotional blackmail, slander of fighters and threats, ostensibly dressed in the cloak of anti-imperialism. There is no imperialism without a state. There is no imperialism without internal oppression. The same structures that expand outwards, discipline and inward, within class-stratified societies, the same mechanisms are those that bomb, imprison, torture and exterminate and whoever pretends not to see this is not doing anti-imperialism, but is doing a political cover-up.
The vision for real emancipation is already emerging from the oppressed themselves. The massive, spontaneous strikes and demonstrations show that the people of Iran are still resisting. The only radical alternative to this tyranny is social self-management. Equally fundamental is the fight against patriarchy, with women at the forefront of this struggle. The real strength of society lies not in state institutions, but in collective action from below. We stand with the rebellious people of Iran.
Palestine
The genocide of the Palestinian people by Israel, which has been taking place for over two and a half years, since October 7, 2023, after the attack by Palestinian organizations, where an attempt was made to baptize it as a "right to self-defense", does not only concern the region itself on the map. It does not only concern this part of the world and the people who have been accepting the orientalist and colonialist violence of the West for 78 years. It concerns us all, since in Gaza the most extreme expressions of repression are applied against those who resist the barbaric world of power. While, at the same time, it is the most discouraged rehearsal of all the death policies that reserve state and capital for the oppressed everywhere.
The state of Israel, a model of a modern totalitarian regime imposed through the normalization of terror and the implementation of generalized conditions of control, surveillance, militarization and oppression, as the long arm of the Western power bloc in the Middle East, having been built on places that were looted, on houses that were colonized, on people who were expelled and massacred, on continuous displacements, impositions, oppressions, exploitation and revenge against any form of resistance to military occupation, having implemented apartheid against the Palestinian people resulting in their deprivation, poverty and misery, creating the largest prison in the world, continues to carry out an unprecedented generalized murderous attack against the Palestinian people, despite the apparent ceasefire and having long since lost any kind of cover to justify its crimes against to humanity. It clearly states that it desires the complete annihilation of the Palestinians, seeking to uproot not only every seed of resistance in the present, but also the possibility of its existence in the future, seeking to eliminate every heart, every collective entity, the culture and every future generation, that is, it seeks its complete annihilation. The massacre it is currently carrying out against the Palestinian people is written in large letters in the collective consciousness.
Within this context, even international solidarity initiatives that attempt to break the blockade and deliver aid are becoming targets, as is characteristically reflected in the attacks that international solidarity missions have received, the arrests and deportations of participants, as well as the serious allegations of torture, sexual assault and rape of activists, facts that reveal that the repression extends beyond the borders of Gaza and is directed against every act of internationalist solidarity. A ratification of the alliance of the Western chariot of domination with Israel is, in addition to the development of cooperative relations of states with the murderous state, the repression of all those who struggle within Western countries who are faced with extreme repression, imprisonment, beatings, persecution.
Currently, the continuation of military operations has led the Gaza Strip to conditions of widespread famine and absolute poverty, with the vast majority of the population deprived of the basic means of survival, while access to humanitarian aid is systematically obstructed by the state of Israel. At the same time, Israel commits murders of Palestinians, demolishes their homes, plunders fields and continues its settlement strategy in the West Bank. At the same time, more than 800,000 Palestinians have been imprisoned in Israel since 1967. In the last year, according to international media (Reuters), there have been consistently over 9,000 to 11,000 detainees, while of these, over 3,000 are held under the status of "administrative detention" (i.e. without charges being filed, without a trial being set or a time limit being set for detention), not counting those in military facilities or other detention centers. Among them, based on the latest data from June, are close to 360 minors, while, according to the Council of Europe, 500 to 700 Palestinian children, mainly from the West Bank, pass through the Israeli military system as detainees every year. In total, close to 10,000 children have been imprisoned in the last two decades. According to an Israeli human rights organization (Yev Tzelem), Israeli prisons are camps of ill-treatment based on testimonies from released prisoners. Systematic beatings, prolonged use of handcuffs and shackles, sleep deprivation, inadequate nutrition, limited access to medical care, isolation, degrading treatment, sexual abuse, violence and rape. At least 90 to 100 Palestinians died in custody, either in prisons or in military centers from October 2023 to March 2026. While part of the death policy applied to the Palestinian people is the establishment of the death penalty, which was voted exclusively for Palestinians. The death penalty will be decided by military courts, the prisoner will have no right to appeal and will be executed within 90 days.
The Greek state, fully tied to the Western chariot of domination, is attempting to further develop its cooperative relations with the state of Israel. In this context, a series of strategic energy, military and economic agreements are being promoted, research war programs are being developed within universities, while more practical involvement in the war is being attempted, through its participation with warships in the Gulf sea routes, with the base of operations being in Larissa (Operation Shields), with the further utilization of American bases, especially that of Souda, and through war operations, beyond the refueling of war machines, with the frigates and F-16s sent to protect the British bases in Cyprus, the missiles in Karpathos and the dispatch of a military team of health and engineering personnel who will operate together with the IDF in the Gaza Strip.
At the same time, however, the militant resistance of the Palestinian people is also written, their counterattack against the occupier, their ability and their right to rebel. While the state of Israel, this model state of militarization and imposition, is recorded as the most hated and blatant face of power. And from a position of battle and resistance throughout the world, societies shout "We are with Palestine", and they do not stop no matter how much they are confronted with the forces of repression, because choosing a stance of solidarity with the Palestinian people is simultaneously the defense of humanity, of the right of people to live where they want, to feel, to speak, to sing their language. It is nothing other than the defense of freedom. And the great movements of solidarity around the world are what can truly shield the Palestinian people, because speaking out about what they are experiencing in a time of silence, opposing the state of Israel in a time of whitewashing its crimes, is the choice of life over death. And it is these voices of solidarity, of mutual support that can be heard louder than the dictates and demands of sovereignty, from Palestine to Mexico and the rebelling indigenous communities, from Serbia to the United States, Sudan, Iran and Bolivia.
Nature
In the field of nature, capitalist, technological development over the past centuries, combined with the deeply antisocial and inhumane policies of exploitation and profit of the state-capitalist system, have led to an unprecedented plunder of the planet's natural resources and an unprecedented anthropogenic intervention in the global climate, which makes climate collapse and environmental destruction almost inevitable. With the aim of unhindered profitability, in recent years, we have experienced major natural disasters that leave behind thousands of dead, broken communities and millions of displaced people. These disasters are becoming more frequent and more powerful and affect more and more parts of the planet. Large increases in temperatures, strong hurricanes that appear more regularly, floods, an increase in the rate of melting of eternal ice at the poles, the disappearance of many animal species and the destabilization of ecological systems that make life on earth impossible. At the same time, the system of profit and exploitation itself is struggling to find solutions to the problem it created due to the depletion of the planet's finite natural resources by overexploitation. Thus, it promotes policies that are baptized as green and promote sustainable and green development. Of course, these policies could not be anything other than policies of further exploitation and plunder since they are born from the same womb. The state and capital. Faced with this universal threat facing humanity, of climate collapse and environmental destruction, which places it on the brink of a threatened state of annihilation, we must not forget that the only ones responsible for this threat are the political and economic elites and therefore the only perspective to confront this threat is the collective struggle that abolishes the state and capital.
Internal
The Greek state, like every state in the region, a follower of the US and the EU, faithfully implements the policies of the dominant Western centers of power, functioning as a mechanism for imposing a modern totalitarianism at the expense of those below, within and outside the borders. It actively supports the Israeli state and the genocide in Palestine, while legitimizing regimes that sow death worldwide. It murders refugees and immigrants at the borders, imprisons them in camps, tightens asylum conditions and facilitates deportations. It systematically impoverishes large segments of society, terrorizes and imprisons those who resist.
The goal, of course, is none other than the violent transformation of society in a way that meets the appetites of the powerful. State and capital classify human lives into useful and surplus: they target immigrants and refugees, Roma, the poor, they pile drug addicts and poor devils into the modern institutional warehouses of psychiatric hospitals and prisons, without access to the goods necessary for survival, while they also savagely attack those who question the dystopia that the world of power is attempting to build. They present the fighters as enemies of social cohesion, while they themselves cultivate racism and fascism to keep the oppressed divided. The far-right New Democracy government continues the work of its predecessors with even greater intensity: it excludes more and more people from health, education, housing, and food; it dismantles decades of labor gains; it commodifies public spaces and allows environmental destruction on the altar of profit.
The devaluation of human life is not a new phenomenon, it simply can no longer be concealed. The crimes in Tempi, Pylos, Violanta, in hospitals and workplaces, are not accidents; they are premeditated murders, the result of conscious management by state and capital that have now been exposed.
Health
In the field of health, the systematic weakening of the National Health System is not accidental: it is the result of conscious neoliberal choices that push health from being a public good to a commodity. Staff shortages, collapse of infrastructure, mergers of units, all make up a system incapable of covering basic needs. The cost is passed on to each individual, depending on the depth of their pockets, effectively excluding low-wage workers, the unemployed, refugees and immigrants from decent care. Health workers, who face understaffing and intensification on a daily basis, struggle with strikes and mobilizations for recruitment, decent conditions and universal free access and face prosecution and penalties, as long as the state continues to promote legislation that reinforces the devaluation of life.
Primary sector
A parallel expression of the same attack is the extermination of small farmers and livestock breeders. At the beginning of the year, thousands set up blockades for over fifty days, protesting the absorption of small production units by domestic and international capital, the dissolution of agricultural cooperatives and their abandonment in the face of floods and epizootics. The collapse of the primary sector does not only concern farmers, since the precision and food insecurity that follow hit the whole of society.
Labor Exploitation of workers
, in all fields, is deepening through anti-labor restructurings: flexible and liberalized working hours, 13-hour and six-day workweeks, undeclared employment, abolition of collective agreements. Wages that are not even enough for the basics are further crushing a daily life that is already at its limits. The bosses' voracious profitability comes at the price of the complete denigration of human life in the workplace: 201 worker murders in 2025, 332 recorded serious accidents, and already 66 deaths in the first five months of 2026. A leading symptom of this irresponsibility is the explosion at VIOLANTA S.A., where five workers were killed and seven others were injured, not by accident, but because the management blatantly ignored the signs of a gas leak, putting profits above the lives of people of our class. Those who resist face employer terrorism and retaliatory layoffs, while the state reinforces repression by outlawing strikes and criminalizing union action, while the institution to which workers resorted in order to claim the obvious, accrued wages, stamps, unjustified layoffs, etc., the SEPE, has been completely degraded, degraded and transformed into a mechanism for laundering the arbitrariness of the bosses.
Education
The field of education is a central field of conflict between state-capitalist restructuring and social resistance. The state seeks the structural transformation of education into a mechanism for producing disciplined and competitive subjects, fully in line with market demands. This restructuring is not piecemeal, it is a coherent plan that is unfolding at a rapid pace.
In practice, this means: a minimum admissions base, privatization of public schools, e.g. the establishment of Onassis schools, the international baccalaureate, private sponsorships, the PISA program, etc. It also means total control and repression of struggling teachers, complete abolition of their labor rights and the transformation of schools into prisons for students and teachers through disciplinary proceedings against nearly 2,500 teachers who refuse to have themselves and their school units evaluated. In higher education, the penetration of the military-industrial complex into universities, the case of the National Technical University of Athens being an example, is accompanied by the repression of any resistance: breaking up of squats, installation of cameras, persecution and expulsion of students for their political activities, abolition of university asylum. The goal is twofold: on the one hand, the further class stratification of access to knowledge; on the other, the transformation of education into a field of economic exploitation and ideological manipulation.
In the face of these attacks, teachers, students and pupils resist with strikes, occupations and mobilizations. The state responds with a dense repressive arsenal: disciplinary prosecutions for teachers, a legal framework that targets students and parents for school occupations, and a new disciplinary law for universities that dissolves their self-government, introduces broadly interpreted provisions against any form of resistance and subordinates university life to the wishes of the government at any given time. The aim is to completely sterilize educational spaces from social fermentation, the free exchange of ideas and the production of critical thought, but also to increasingly disband those who resist the plans of the state and bosses.
The state's ally in this effort are the bureaucratic union leaderships and the leftist student factions, who appear every time a spontaneous struggle breaks out in the field of education, a field so vital and promising, in order to defuse it, to put the brakes on it or to bring it under their own control. The prospect of a head-on conflict with the state is systematically demonized, thus prolonging its dominance. The central challenge of the organized anarchist space and the libertarian forces in the field of education is to preserve and sharpen the conflictual and radical character of the struggles, against those who attempt to curb their momentum.
Repression
The aggressive restructuring of all social fields is accompanied by the repression of all forms of resistance, with the ultimate aim of establishing a climate of fear and submission. This strategy manifests itself on all fronts: attacks on squats, the dismantling of the university asylum, attacks on strikes and union struggles, the dispersal of demonstrations and the accumulation of persecutions, pre-trial detentions and imprisonments of anarchist fighters. Alongside the brutal repression, the system attempts to dissolve every collective bond: it controls the fields where social questioning develops, ideologically weakens the struggles of the past and upgrades its legal and institutional arsenal, with the help of the parastatal assault battalions that democracy itself cultivates.
More specifically, the Occupied Refugee Community on Alexandras Avenue has recently been under attack by state "development" exploitation plans, which have been launched by the Attica Region since 2015. Through systemic publications since the beginning of the year, threats of eviction have become increasingly frequent. Such a development would mean the uprooting of 400 people, locals, refugees and immigrants, among whom are children, the elderly, the sick and vulnerable social groups. The Occupied Refugee Community and its people, from the very beginning, have been vigorously defending the occupied complex, in various ways, such as marches, solidarity actions and the hunger strike of two comrades, Aristotelis Hatzis who has been on hunger strike since February 5th and Suzon Doppagne, since May 1st.
It is clear how the state, in yet another case, seeks to uproot the points of reference of the struggle, to stop tomorrow's uprisings against the existing and future unlivable reality that power has in store for us and a bankrupt system that has nothing else to promise but exploitation, impoverishment and death. We defend the spaces of struggle against these attacks with solidarity, resistance and self-organization. The occupations and the hangouts are an integral part of the struggle, they are flesh from the flesh of the political ferment, of the struggle with the state and capital, of the consciousness that is born on the street and the barricades. We will not let the state and capital suppress the nuclei in which the vision of a humanity liberated from its shackles is taking shape and maturing. Every attack on the occupied and self-organized struggle structures is an attack on all of us.
At the same time, the ideological and repressive mechanisms of the state are attempting the paradigmatic blow to the anarchist movement as the main exponent, throughout the post-political period, of unmediated and radical social and class struggles. The state's constant repressive campaign against the anarchist movement, which is currently escalating, does not constitute some kind of disorientation nor is it a derivative of the conjuncture, but a fixed and declared goal of the system, especially after the 2008 uprising, and this is because the anarchist movement has never given a pardon to the state and its bosses. Recent examples include: the systematic prosecution by the State Security of comrade X.N., known for his participation in movement processes, neighborhood hangouts and associations, from the neighborhood of Nea Filadelfia to Galatsi and Exarchia, who is targeted with a single "element" of a "part of a fingerprint on a movable object"; the unprecedentedly severe sentence of 14 months in prison (with possibility of redemption) against the anarchist student Z.M., for chanting a slogan of solidarity with Palestine at the NTUA; the attacks on the demonstrations of October 7 in Athens, a day of solidarity with the struggling people of Palestine, resulting in the beating of dozens of demonstrators and the arrest of 18 activists; the crushing of the demonstration marking the one-year anniversary of the death of the anarchist Kyriakos Xymitiris and 5 arrested, the police pogrom at the November 17 demonstration in Thessaloniki and the suffocating police cordon of the anarchist blocs at the December 6 demonstration, also in Thessaloniki, as well as the encirclement and merciless repressive attack by state gangs against the numerous anarchist blocs at the Athens demonstration, resulting in countless beatings and the arrests of 19 comrades. The systematic repression unleashed by the state against anarchists is a conscious strategic choice, aimed at its authoritarian armoring and ensuring its smooth reproduction, in the midst of multiple crises. The persecution of those who consistently participate in self-organized social and political processes functions primarily as a tool of intimidation. Through fabricated and unfounded indictments, as well as violent attacks on marches and rallies, the aim is to spread a climate of fear that makes it clear that choosing to struggle entails a heavy personal price: material and psychological. At the same time, the model of the individualized and depoliticized individual is actively promoted: prolonged judicial involvement, pressure and isolation are attempted to act as a deterrent for anyone thinking of participating in collective action and class struggles.
However, despite repression, slander, beatings, persecutions and prisons, the anarchist movement continues to struggle against all authority, against exploitation and oppression, against the logic of delegation, mediation and compromise.
ARAS
Special mention is also needed of certain forces that exercise an "alternative" form of repression. On the one hand, social democracy and reformist forces, worldwide, function as a lifeline for the authoritarian system, absorbing social anger and diverting it from the only path that opens up real prospects, that of radical and unmediated resistance, towards electoral outlets that are painless for the system. On the other hand, all sorts of Stalinist nostalgics of the Gulag and the Cheka attempt to impose themselves as bosses of the movement, eroding it from within and essentially functioning as the long arm of the state and the police. The parastatal gang of ARAS/EAAK/LAE has evolved into this role, a complex of organizations that has transformed into an anti-anarchist mechanism, utilizing the same tools and pursuing the same goals as the state repressive mechanisms.
This was revealed in the clearest way on November 15, 2025, when approximately 200 thugs launched an organized and pre-planned murderous attack against anarchists on the first day of the Polytechnic three-day festival, an attack that fortunately left no dead. This action was completely in line with the goals of the rectoral authorities and the police. Despite the open assumption of responsibility, none of the perpetrators were included in the case file that was opened, which seems to be directed against those who were attacked. While of course, the Rector of NTUA immediately rushed to announce the end of the Polytechnic celebration as we knew it until today. Then the near-murderers indulged in systematic misinformation and slander of the anarchists, thus revealing the complete coincidence of their goals with those of the rectors, ministers and state mechanisms: the furious blow to the most radical and dynamic part of the movement, that of anarchy and libertarian forces. Since then until today, they have not stopped attempting to consolidate their presence in the Universities with corresponding gang-like attacks directed against those they consider enemies. While they even go so far as to publish accusations that reverse reality, attempting to present themselves as the champions of student struggles and demands instead of what they really are, ruffians and fifth-falange members. We make it clear in every way: this will not pass them by.
Fascism
Alongside the official mechanisms of repression, the state has always maintained its counter-revolutionary reserve. Fascism is neither a historical by-word nor a marginal phenomenon. It is a weapon of power that is shaken every time the dominant relations are shaken. The state and the media methodically cultivate the darkest social reflexes: racism, patriarchy, naturalization of inequality, while the parastatal fascist crutches take on the dirty work of terror and social discipline. In today's environment of generalized crisis and political instability, neo-Nazi assault battalions are returning to the streets and neighborhoods, targeting activists, immigrants and anti-fascists, seeking to create conditions for the unhindered implementation of the anti-social plans of the state and capital. Their action is not spontaneous but is part of a framework of state tolerance, cover-up and ideological legitimization, where any social resistance is labeled a threat to "order." Over the past two years, fascist reorganization has become increasingly visible: slogans in schools, attacks on teachers and unionists, attacks on anti-fascists, members of the LGBTQI community, immigrants and spaces of struggle.
Faced with this new attempt by the system, the state and the bosses to re-promote and legitimize in the public sphere the presence and speech of their loyal puppets, today's anti-fascist struggle cannot be limited to moral denunciations and occasional reactions. The anti-fascist counterattack is an integral part of the social and class struggle against the state, capital and the hierarchies that give birth to and maintain fascism. Only through collective organization, solidarity and presence on the street can the fascist threat be blocked and the prospect of a society of freedom and equality be opened.
Patriarchy
In conditions of totalitarianism, where violence and exploitation are exacerbated in every area of life, gender oppression is also intensifying, as a structural element of the social formation. Patriarchal violence is not some isolated crimes, but is systemic and institutional, reproduced and legitimized by state mechanisms and economic power structures, as the relations of property, hierarchy and exploitation produce and arm the behaviors that express it.
Incidents of rape and sexual exploitation, such as the cases of the 12-year-old from Kolonos and E. from Ilioupoli, highlight the endemic activity of trafficking rings and the causes of the absence of real protection from the state. The case of the abuse, torture and repeated rape of a 19-year-old girl in October 2022 by police officers of the DIAS team inside the Omonia Police Station, highlights in the cruelest way the face of state, institutional and gender-based violence. This particular police station has repeatedly been at the center of serious allegations regarding torture, deaths, illegal detentions, humiliation of immigrants and refugees, as well as acts of violence against drug addicts. The authorities' handling of the incident followed the well-trodden path of a cover-up. Despite the prosecution, the accused police officers were released with restrictive conditions, pending the completion of the trial. At the same time, the victim is forced to endure a psychologically damaging, long-term and extremely traumatic legal process, which, instead of providing protection, multiplies the abuse she has already received. At the beginning of the trial, the presiding judge forced the 19-year-old to give a long-lasting testimony, going so far as to give her suggestions on how she should have behaved, once again shifting the blame to the victim, fully siding with the defense of the rapist cops, while there were also moments when the presiding judge dictated answers to the defense witnesses of the rapist cops at a time when the constant provocation of them and their environment, as well as the obscene comments of their lawyers, prevailed. To reinforce the attempt to distort reality and whitewash the cops, attempts were also made to remove the people in solidarity from the courtroom, with the trial continuing on June 18.
These proceedings are not isolated "deviant", but part of a broader structure where the police and the judiciary cover up crimes, ostracize and target victims, and discredit complaints, leaving the victims exposed and vulnerable to all kinds of threats from the perpetrators and the constant awakening of their trauma.
However, the state's indifference to the safety and lives of workers, women, minors and members of the LGBTQI community is not accidental. It is an expression of the very logic that defends interests over human lives. At the same time, bosses, encouraged by anti-worker restructuring, intensify gender divisions and inequalities, while reports of sexual harassment are often ignored or downplayed. As long as gender-based violence, from the street and at work to the most extreme forms of trafficking, is not treated as an issue of the overall political system, the fact that the state and capitalist structure itself is linked to its perpetuation will be concealed. Finally, those who struggle against patriarchy and exploitation are often faced with direct state repression, not only in the field of denunciations, but in their daily existence and expression. Repression and silencing are not only aimed at suppressing movements, but at de-nerving any attempt at liberation from the oppressive relations that structure society.
Epilogue
On a global level, movements are simultaneously tested by both state repression and the ideological decomposition that erodes society and struggles. Fascism, social cannibalism, individualization, fragmentation and the desolation of the collective vision are not accidental phenomena but the inevitable results of the perpetuation of the domination of the powerful over humanity. The
only way out is self-organized struggles from below, in workplaces, in schools, in neighborhoods. In defense of occupations and spaces of struggle, for public health and education. Against the commercialization of public spaces, the plunder of nature, the resurgence of neo-Nazism, gender-based violence. In solidarity with refugees and immigrants. Against war and nationalism. The radicalization of these struggles is not a utopia: it is the only realistic response to the world of exploitation. And this requires an organized anarchist presence within them.
However, the anarchist space must throw off the weights that have accompanied it for years: the logic of the conjuncture, the hollow denunciation, the absence of consistent direction, the practices that are unable to essentially question the state and capital. These weaknesses do not open paths to emancipation but on the contrary distance society, reproducing elitisms and complacency that do not aim at overthrowing the system but at managing defeat.
Collective organization with ideological coherence, a stable presence on all fronts and a clear political orientation, far from vanguard logics and reformist illusions, is necessary. A militant pole is needed that will constantly bring back to the public sphere the issue of social revolution, highlighting anarchy as the only realistic proposal for a liberated society, in contrast to all kinds of attempts to embellish the system.
This direction has been served by the A.P.O. for a decade, as an open and continuous proposal to those who refer to the organized, collective anarchist struggle and the perspective of the Social Revolution, building spaces where social bonds are re-woven, where no one is superfluous and the power in social and class struggles emerges from the whole and not from the strongest. With perseverance and collective work, the common vision for a society without exploitation, without hierarchies, without exclusions takes root. For the Social Revolution, Anarchy and Libertarian Communism!
Solidarity with all those who resist, from the resisting communities in the U.S. to the mountains of Mexico, from Palestine to Iran, Sudan, Bolivia. States that fight their people will be defeated.
Anarchist Collective Omicron 72, member of APO
https://landandfreedom.gr/el/apopseis/analyseis/2320-8?start=2
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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