Since March 12, 2023, when she was elected secretary of the Democratic Party, Elly Schlein has been tackling the problem of how to cleanse the party of the debris that had accumulated since its founding and had grown exponentially under Renzi's leadership. Renzi had brought on board the dregs of opportunism from the "TL zones" who remained in the party to secure re-election . Schlein understood that this was a matter of life and death, since the "reformist current" that comprised the majority of them was responsible for the periodic upheavals that had weakened the party secretaries and contributed to the instability of the political secretariat. A direct clash with this element, so powerful and deeply rooted in the bureaucratic structure and administrations, would certainly have resulted in the secretariat's no-confidence vote at the first opportunity. Since then, the alliance-or perhaps it would be better to say, the Coexistence Pact-with Stefano Bonaccini, the leading figure of the PD's administrators, has been irremovable.
Exploiting the rule of rotation in positions and candidacies, the Schlein secretariat has slowly and prudently put forward a number of candidates for the European Parliament, relegating the survivors, even if elected to Parliament, to a less media-heavy role, and presenting this strategy as a fight against the party's bosses. Thus, a number of figures have ended up in the elephant graveyard of the European Parliament, hoping that there they could do less damage, while others, even parliamentarians like Guelmini, have faded into oblivion and obscurity.This was only a partially correct calculation, as many of them joined tried-and-true political-business lobbies, only to be caught red-handed, as happened with the Qatar-gate investigation. Others, more astute, chose the ultra-Atlanticism of the European Commission to vent all the rottenness within them. They distinguished themselves by their illiberal and servile positions, which resulted in unreserved support for Ukraine and even stronger support for Israel, promoting the adoption of sanctions against Russia, but blocking the adoption of any sanctions against Israel. The standard-bearer of this group is Pina Picierno, supported by Gori and many other lesser-known but no less disgusting individuals.
The Secretary's strategy toward these individuals was to let them do their thing and keep quiet, waiting for their illiberal initiatives, their anti-Russian and anti-Palestinian hatred, to manifest themselves in every way and on every occasion, discrediting and, above all, alienating and isolating them from the voters, or at least the majority of those who had voted for them. The scoundrel positions adopted by these individuals, the projection of their activities, aimed at demonstrating to the lobbies that sponsor them that they were effectively fulfilling the mandate they had received and the role they had assumed, that they were subservient, have materialized in supporting the Commission's thefts and in providing support to the thieves in Kiev who have skimmed off the funding granted to Ukraine, covering up their misdeeds and capitalizing on the profits.
As time passed, their position became increasingly weakened, to the point that, as the end of the Italian legislative term approached and the Schlein leadership consolidated, demonstrating its ability to build electoral alliances and, above all, promising not to contest the next elections in a disorganized manner, many of them decided to voluntarily leave the party, seeing their room for maneuver shrink.
Within the party, their political space shrank as the local alliances among left-wing parties worked, leading to substantial successes in local elections, demonstrating that an alternative was possible and that Letta's atrocities would not be repeated.
The Democratic Party's line and international politics
Looking at the party's political line, we can recognize Schlein's ability to reach electoral agreement with the Five Star Movement and the Left/Greens on crucial domestic policy issues, ranging from the minimum wage to a different wage policy, to a radical reform of income taxation, adopting fairer rates, to interventions for healthcare and education, increasingly in need of funding, to financial support for the most vulnerable groups and an industrial plan for businesses, to the repeal of the Meloni government's emergency decree, which has undermined our criminal justice system and curtailed civil liberties. But at the same time, we can see unacceptable positions on foreign policy, particularly regarding Ukraine and the Middle East.
Support for the Palestinian cause has been evident in the form of participation in the massive demonstrations in favor of Gaza and the Palestinians, but the position taken on sanctions against Israel has not been as decisive. These sanctions were loudly called for in all forums, from the European Parliament to the Italian Parliament, but have ultimately resulted in failure, given the positions maintained by the Italian government on the Palestinian issue, the continued arms trade, and the persistence of economic and financial relations with the State of Israel. Relations with Israel remain extremely tense in the area of intelligence, characterized by the acquisition of spy systems for monitoring political opponents and ordinary citizens; the party's action within the EU has been ineffective.
But where things really don't add up is in relation to the position taken on Ukraine, for which Schlein continues to express solidarity and support, the shipment of weapons and funding, even as she attempts to soften her position, advocating for the opening of negotiations leading to an end to the war, which are currently unrealistic. The instrumental nature of this position, aimed at preventing the United States from barring her access to Palazzo Chigi in the event of an election victory, is entirely obvious to anyone. If the Democratic Party secretary makes this choice, hoping to thereby overcome the US veto and enter government, she is deluding herself, because Trump considers her, as she remains, a supporter of the hated American Democrats, and not of their socialist wing, but rather very close to the progressive wing of Obama and Harris. Her apparent closeness to Bernie Sanders is more of a facade than an endorsement of the radical nature of his social agenda for the US.
What Schlein seems to have failed to grasp, in our opinion, is the agenda being pursued in the current Italian situation by some circles familiar to her, identifiable within the mainstream with ties to the United States: Mario Monti, Mario Draghi, Gentiloni, Letta, and many other now obsolete tools of Italian politics (no, not Calenda, he's too stupid and insignificant).
These people are working toward a substantial electoral draw, forcing the formation of a technical government of national unity, or at least one supported by a broad coalition, in order to contain the momentum coming from the political alliance Schlein is trying to build, leaving Vannacci out to allow him to grow as an opposition to manage a further rightward shift in the country's political axis. To achieve this, the complicity of the President of the Republic is needed. By doing so, the country's "democratic balance" would be preserved, which would allow Parliament to force the election of a President of the Republic as a guarantor, ensuring the maintenance of democratic institutions from a formal standpoint but guaranteeing a further shift of the political axis to the right. The most likely names are Mario Monti and Mario Draghi.
A new scenario has opened up
Looking at everything that is happening in international politics, this is the moment when space seems to be opening up, making it time to be bold and fight for the country's new position in international politics. The strategy we have attempted to explain is the result of a thoughtful analysis of the factors at play, but it fails to take into account that Trump's instability is creating a structural crisis within NATO, which would be further exacerbated by a Ukrainian defeat on the battlefield, which is highly likely, even if we don't know the timing. This would lead to a profound crisis for the European Union, further accentuated if the suicidal decision to allow Ukraine to join the EU were to be made.
The opportunities that would open up would overcome the iron grip the US hegemon exerts on its vassals scattered across Europe, and this could offer the opportunity to push Italy toward a position of neutrality directly linked to the expulsion of US forces present in our country. This prospect is more realistic than it seems at first glance, and perhaps it would be wise to seize the opportunity to explore this path, which is the only one capable of giving the country the impetus, even in terms of ideas, it needs to overcome the current crisis of stagnation and sweep away in one fell swoop the right-wing grip on power in Italy and the economic recession afflicting it, saving itself from involvement in a war in Europe that seems to be rapidly approaching.
However benevolently one might evaluate Schlein's performance, her political structure does not seem sufficient to support such a strategic project. This is because she does not possess, or at least has not demonstrated, the necessary qualities of a statesman. Nor is she surrounded by a trained and efficient political staff capable of implementing the strategy just described. For this reason, it will be a miracle for her to escape the traps that a skilled politician like Meloni will place in her path, and it will be a feat to manage and govern her relationships with her partners in a political camp that appears to be marked by significant personalism and a lack of strategic clarity. The so-called broad camp, if she wins the elections, will be lost behind a narrow-minded policy that unfortunately will have no impact on the country's fate or the true and profound reasons for the Italian crisis.
The Editorial Staff
https://www.ucadi.org/2026/07/23/elly-schlein-e-le-pulizie-in-casa-pd/
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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