Revolution does not triumph by the sheer force of its ideas. Written in the wake of the defeats of the libertarian movement in Russia and Ukraine, the Platform emerged from a time when anarchists were confronting both the counter-revolution and the Stalinist bureaucracy. A century later, our sister organization in northeastern Syria, Têkosîna Anarsîst, revisits this legacy to reflect on the contemporary conditions of revolutionary organization. ---- Each text is written at a specific time and place; therefore, understanding its context helps to understand its purpose and motivations. The Platform proposal must be understood within the context of the Bolshevik Party's takeover of the people's soviets following the October Revolution in Russia, leading to bloody purges during which numerous revolutionaries (including thousands of anarchists) were killed or sent to the Gulag. The Platform proposal was also drafted just after the collapse of the Makhnovshchina, one of the greatest examples of a libertarian revolution, which was ultimately crushed by Tsarist and nationalist forces on one side, and by authoritarian socialism and the Red Army on the other. With such experiences in mind, it is easier to understand the authors' urgent need to create a united and disciplined libertarian force, closing ranks against the many threats and attacks they faced.
In the Revolutionary Turmoil
We assume that Piotr Archinov played a prominent role in the discussions and drafting of this text. His experience of the 1905 Revolution within the Bolshevik Party (which he left shortly afterward to join the anarchist movement in Ukraine), as well as his time in prison during which he met Nestor Makhno, provided him with extensive militant experience. His participation in the Ukrainian Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army also shaped their need for a rigorous libertarian organization. They were on the front lines facing the brutal conditions of war without losing sight of their political goals.
Unlike many contemporary libertarian organizations, we are familiar with the revolutionary military context. Under these circumstances, we can easily identify with this need for an effective anarchist organization, capable of overcoming the profound contradictions and challenges posed by armed conflict. We do not believe this is a prerequisite for understanding the text, but this experience facilitates our engagement with it. The Platform's proposal emphasizes the need for theoretical and tactical unity, as well as self-discipline-all essential aspects in this particular context.
Ideologically, we understand that the text's theoretical introduction, which underscores the importance of the proletariat as a revolutionary subject, is a product of its time, the early 20th century. Today, a century later, we see that anarchism has broadened its understanding of oppression and society. Patriarchy is a central source of oppression in our human societies, intertwined with other forms of oppression such as class and race. We also see the importance of prioritizing the land and nature as efforts to preserve life. However, even though feminism and ecology are absent from the original text, its conclusions regarding the need for cohesive organization and the self-discipline of its activists remain relevant today.
Têkosîna Anarsîst (TA) is a revolutionary anarchist organization integrated into the International Battalion for the Liberation of Northeast Syria. Founded in 2017, it is primarily composed of international members.
Credits: TA
That being said, we can clarify that while the Platform did not bring about any significant changes in how we work and organize, it reaffirmed our efforts to build a strong and cohesive organization. We respect the clarity of the statements that guided the drafting of such a document; we believe it was an important step toward a more serious and formal approach to the topic of organization among anarchists. The numerous debates that followed contributed immensely to a questioning that shaped how anarchist organizations should function.
Against Sectarianism
Developing formal organizations also allows us to interact more effectively with other similar organizations, not as a loose network, but as equals. To achieve this, we must confront the sectarian dynamics of contemporary anarchism, which is sometimes more obsessed with the purity of its ideals than with advancing our revolutionary goals. We have adopted a fundamental principle: to avoid making unnecessary enemies by being diplomatic, respectful, and conciliatory in our political disagreements with other groups or organizations. As Malatesta said, the leadership of a society is the sum of its struggling forces, and we, as anarchists, are one of those forces. We must keep this in mind, measuring our efforts and our capacity to better influence those places and issues we consider priorities. We cannot be everywhere, nor can we do everything. This also applies to other political organizations, which is why we must be strategic in our approach.
Sevger Makhno fell a hero in Afrin, defending the city against the Turkish invasion alongside the people of northeastern Syria and international comrades.
Credits: TA
Revolution is not an event, it is a process. We must analyze its conditions and think long-term without letting immediate emergencies dictate our agenda. We have learned to consider alternatives when our plans fail, allowing us to respond to changing circumstances. Being an organization, seeing ourselves as part of a struggle ecosystem, can help us navigate the shifting dynamics of society. Other organizations can be important allies in our struggle; it is essential to understand them and recognize the goals we share as well as what differentiates us. Building relationships and alliances is important, but we must do so without losing sight of our own perspectives and without imposing our ideas on the agendas of others.
As the world changes, new cycles of resistance will emerge. The Platform's proposal helped spread a culture of revolutionary organizing among anarchists over the past century. We should honor this tradition and all the comrades who fell in the struggle for freedom, as our comrades did with their black flags and an unmistakable slogan: freedom or death.
Têkosîna Anarsîst
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Tekosina-Anarsist-La-liberte-a-besoin-d-organisation
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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