61. FIGHTER MOVEMENTS ---- A key characteristic of social movements is their militant nature. In asserting that they must be militant, we mean that social movements must establish their gains by asserting their social power, and that they should not be dependent on favor or goodwill from any segment of society, including the state. Militantism is characterized by a stance of defending class struggle outside the state. Militant social movements do not struggle to seize power within the state or institutional power structures. They always organize outside the state and advocate for the return of political power to the people. We also support direct action as a form of political action against representative democracy. However, there are also those who defend popular power as the support of vanguards detached from the grassroots, hierarchies, authoritarian parties, state demands, and various types of bureaucracies. When popular power refers to this second model, we are in complete disagreement. The struggle for liberation must be strategic, and direct action must be more or less violent depending on the demands of the conditions. When it needs to be violent, it must always be understood as a response, a self-defense, against the system of domination and exploitation in which we live.
62. DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENTS
Direct democracy occurs in social movements when everyone involved actively participates in the decision-making process. Even leaders and the functions they undertake are temporary, rotating, and recallable.
63. Militant Behavior
Because there is no complete set of information, what allows for an education where there is no teacher and no student, but everyone is both teacher and student, is the exchange process among militants. Everyone learns and everyone teaches. In this way, the construction of an education that respects people's culture and empowers militants through dialogues, discussions, and the exchange of experiences takes place. Class solidarity occurs when one person unites with another to form a social movement, or even when a social movement in pursuit of building a popular organization and overcoming capitalism and the state unites with another. When driven by the interests of the class, social movements are internationalist. In this model of social movement, militant behavior needs ethics and responsibility. The ethics that guide correct militant behavior are based on principles that are against capitalism and the state and that support cooperation, solidarity, and mutual aid. It also guides militant behavior that operates without harming others, encourages support, and does not allow attitudes that lead to division or unjust internal conflict. Responsibility, a principle opposed to the values of capitalism, encourages militants in social movements to take initiative, assume responsibility and fulfill it-which will prevent a few individuals from being overloaded with many tasks-to adopt attitudes consistent with the spirit of struggle, and to contribute to social movements in the best possible way.
64. SHORT, MEDIUM AND LONG TERM
Organizational goals must be pursued throughout the struggle. We understand that it is possible to achieve social revolution and thus establish libertarian socialism by striving to radicalize and continuously increase the social power of popular organization. From a long-term perspective, movements have a greater capacity for gains because the further away the goals are, the greater the gains; initial gains are not the end of the struggle. When achieved by social movements, short-term gains, namely so-called reforms, will serve as ways to alleviate the suffering of those struggling, while simultaneously teaching lessons of organization and struggle. We believe that while struggling for reforms, social movements do not become reformist, those who understand reforms as an end in themselves. Even with the struggle for reforms, social movements can maintain a revolutionary practice and oppose reformism.
65. ACTIVITIES OF THE UNIQUE ANARCHIST ORGANIZATION
Specific anarchist organization is a grouping of anarchist individuals working together, through their own free will and agreement, towards well-defined goals. Its function is to coordinate, converge, and continuously increase the social power of anarchist militant activity, providing a robust and coherent instrument of struggle-a fundamental tool in the pursuit of ultimate goals. This organization is founded on fraternal agreements, ensuring its libertarian nature, both internally and externally, without relations of domination, exploitation, or alienation. This well-defined organization unites anarchists at the political and ideological level and develops their political practices at the social level, characterizing an effective minority organization because the social level is always far greater than the political level. To create this robust and coherent instrument of struggle, it is essential for anarchist organization to possess well-defined strategic-tactical and political lines, realized through theoretical and ideological unity and unity of strategy and tactics. Thus, we can say that the activities of specific anarchist organization are as follows:
Social Work and Articulation
The Production and Reproduction of Theory
Anarchist Propaganda
Political Education
Strategy Design and Implementation
Social and Political Relations
Resource Management
These activities can be carried out in a more or less public manner, always keeping in mind the social context in which the organization operates.
66. INTERESTS OF THE EXPLOITED CLASSES
In this political practice, which places itself at the service of the exploited classes, anarchist organization is guided by a Declaration of Principles . These principles are ethical propositions and concepts, both non-negotiable, that guide all political practice and provide models for anarchist action. Specific anarchist organization does not replace the organization of the exploited classes, but it gives anarchists the chance to place themselves at their service.
67. 2003 DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES
The 2003 Declaration of Principles defines nine principles: freedom, ethics and values, federalism, self-government, internationalism, direct action, class struggle, political practice and social articulation, and mutual aid. Anarchist organizing should strive to engage with all forms of popular struggle, wherever it occurs. We recognize and prioritize class struggle. Through ethics, we advocate, among other things, consistency and mutual respect between means and ends. Therefore, we reject individualistic proposals of anarchism. The pursuit of libertarian socialism is a relentless struggle for freedom. And we put forward federalism and self-government as principles of non-hierarchical and decentralized organization, supported by mutual aid and free association, upholding the IWA premise that everyone has rights and duties. Internationalism is opposed to nationalism and the glorification of the state, as they represent a sense of superiority over other countries and peoples, and reinforce ethnocentrism and prejudice, the first steps toward xenophobia. By advocating internationalism, we emphasize the international character of struggles and the need for unity based on class affinities, not nationalities. Direct action is presented as a principle based on horizontal organization and, by encouraging workers' leadership, opposes representative democracy, which, as we have previously stated, is politically alienating. Mutual aid promotes solidarity in the struggle and encourages fraternal relations with everyone who is genuinely working for a just and equitable world. It fosters effective solidarity among the exploited.
68. THERE IS NO POLITICAL VACUUM.
We believe that there is never a political vacuum anywhere. Among the various forces found in these spaces, anarchists must come to the forefront and realize their positions. In addressing the ongoing dispute over the political space, we are not saying that anarchists should struggle for leadership, control, or any privileged position in social movements. Rather, we are talking about the internal struggle that arises when we want to influence social movements to use libertarian practices. Authoritarians try to establish a relationship of domination over social movements. We know that politicians, parties, unions, and also other authoritarian organizations and individuals such as churches, drug traffickers, etc., hinder the construction of popular organization because they infiltrate social movements. In the vast majority of cases, they try to profit from the sheer number of people involved: to gain support in elections, to build a base for authoritarian power projects, to make money, to gain faith, to open new markets, etc. Authoritarian organizations and individuals do not want to support social movements; rather, they use them to achieve their own goals (the goals of authoritarian organizations and individuals) that are inconsistent with the goals of the militants of the social movements. When anarchists fail to build the necessary social power, they face two possibilities: either they will be used as tools ("labor beasts") by authoritarians in carrying out their authoritarian power projects, or they will simply be sidelined. Without organization, they will not exert the necessary influence to possess even a modicum of social power. Without the necessary organization, they cannot sustain themselves in social movements, and it is far less likely that they will exert the desired influence. For example, when you see some anarchists fighting for a movement to use direct action and direct democracy, politicians and party apparatuses will oppose this, and without a strong anarchist organization capable of social articulation and fighting for these positions, authoritarian positions will have a greater chance of developing. When we, as anarchists, are properly organized, we will not lag behind events, but rather have a real articulation, enabling us to establish our positions and exert our influence in social movements. Thus, from the moment we establish our positions, this necessarily means a decrease in the influence of the authoritarians, and vice versa.
69. FRONTS
This political practice in different areas necessitates the division of anarchist organization into fronts, which are internal groups that carry out social work. Fronts are responsible, within their respective fields of activity, for the creation and development of social movements, as well as for ensuring that anarchists occupy the constantly contested political space and exert the necessary influence within these movements. Generally, organizations operating with this methodology propose the development of three basic fronts: trade union, community, and student. We believe that the division of fronts should not be based on these predetermined areas of articulation, but rather on the practical work of the organization. In our understanding, there should be no obligation to develop work within these three fronts; in addition, there may be other interesting areas requiring dedicated fronts. Each organization should seek areas more conducive to the development of its social work and build its fronts from this practical necessity. In this sense, we support the dynamic fronts model, which takes into account the internal division of the specific anarchist organization in order to carry out social work in the best possible practical way.
70. A SIGNIFICANT PARADOX
Anarchist organizing needs to maintain different levels of action. These different levels should strengthen its work, while also allowing it to bring together prepared militants with a high level of commitment, and to bring together people who may be more or less prepared and more or less committed, and who sympathize with the theory or practice of the organization. Concentric circles aim to provide a clear place for every militant and sympathizer of the organization. They also seek to facilitate and strengthen the social work of the anarchist organization, and finally, they create a channel for the recruitment of new militants. In short, concentric circles attempt to resolve a crucial paradox: anarchist organizing needs to be closed enough to have prepared, committed, and politically aligned militants, and open enough to attract new militants. Specific anarchist organizing is internally divided into fronts, each operating within a particular social movement or sector of social movement. In this case, assuming the specific anarchist organizing works with three social movements or three sectors of social movement, it divides itself into three fronts for its work. In our case, our specific anarchist organization is now divided into three fronts: (A) urban social movements, (B) community, and (C) agrarian-ecology (Anarchism and Nature). Each operates within one or more social movements. Front A is in the homeless movement and the KTH (Kurdish social movement), Front B is in the community movement, and Front C is in rural ecology and agrarian movements.
71. MILITANTS INSIDE
There is no hierarchy among the circles, but the idea is that the more "inside" or closer a militant is to the organization, the better they can formulate, understand, reproduce, and implement its lines. The more "inside" a militant is, the greater their level of commitment and activity. The more a militant contributes to the organization, the more the organization demands from them. Militants decide their own levels of commitment and, based on this choice, participate or do not participate in negotiation stages. Thus, militants decide how committed they want to be, and the more committed they are, the more decisions they make. The less committed they are, the fewer decisions they make. Therefore, within a specific anarchist organization, there may always be one or more circles that should be defined by the level of commitment of the militants. When there is more than one level, this should be clear to everyone, and the criteria for changing a level should be accessible to all militants. In this way, the militant decides for themselves where they want to be. Within a specific anarchist organization, only anarchists are found who can, to a greater or lesser extent, develop, reproduce, and implement the organization's political line internally, on the fronts, and in public activity. Furthermore, militants must, to a greater or lesser extent, be able to assist in the development of the organization's strategic-tactical line and possess full capacity to reproduce and implement it. Moreover, functions must be rotational to empower everyone and prevent stagnant positions or functions. The functions undertaken by militants within the organization are tied to self-governance and federalism, or to horizontal decision-making where all militants have equal say and voting power, with mandatory proxy delegation in certain circumstances.
72. SUPPORTERS
The next circle, further out and distant from the core of the anarchist organization, is no longer part of the organization but holds fundamental importance: the level of supporters. This body strives, for example, to bring together all people who share an ideological affinity with the anarchist organization. Supporters are responsible for assisting the organization in its practical work, such as: publishing brochures, periodicals, or books; disseminating propaganda material; assisting in theory production or contextual analysis; organizing practical activities for social work: social activities, assisting in educational work, logistical activities, assisting in organizing work, etc. A support stage is where people who share an affinity with the anarchist organization and its work make contact with other militants, deepen their knowledge of the organization's political line, become better acquainted with its activities, and deepen their vision of anarchism. The specific anarchist organization attracts the maximum possible number of supporters and, through practical work, identifies those who are interested in joining the organization and possess a suitable profile for membership. While each militant decides for themselves how committed they want to be to the organization and where they want to be, the aim of an anarchist organization is always to have the greatest possible number of militants in the inner circles, with a greater level of commitment. The suggestion to join the organization can be made by the organization's militants to the supporter, or vice versa.
73. COMMITMENT AND DECISION-MAKING
The logic of concentric circles requires that each militant and the organization itself have very well-defined rights and duties for each level of commitment. In the concentric circles model, we seek a system of rights and duties where everyone decides what they can and should commit to. In this way, it is normal for supporters to decide only what they will be involved in. Similarly, it is normal for the militants of the organization to decide what they will accomplish. It is very easy for an occasional militant to want to determine the political line of the organization, since they are often not the ones who have to follow that line. For example, a supporter who participates in activities once a month and contributes infrequently cannot decide on the rules or activities that should be met or carried out daily, because they would be making decisions for other militants far more than for themselves. Therefore, we take decisions and commitments proportionally, and this requires the organization to have clear criteria for entry, clearly defining who participates and who does not, and at what level of commitment the militants are. In any case, anarchist organizing should always be concerned with providing education and guidance that allows supporters and militants to change their level of commitment, if they so wish. As a supporter, by knowing the political line a little more deeply and feeling an affinity for the practical work of the organization, one can show interest in joining the organization, or the organization can express its interest in the supporter becoming a militant. As we have seen, anarchist organizing is internally divided into fronts for the realization of practical work. For this, there are organizations that prefer to establish direct relations with social movements, and others that prefer to present themselves through an intermediary social organization, which we can call tendency grouping. The tendency grouping positions itself between social movements and the specific anarchist organization, bringing together militants from different ideologies who have an affinity regarding certain practical issues. The idea is that the specific anarchist organization seeks articulation at this intermediate level (tendency grouping) and, by presenting itself through this, carries out its work in social movements with the aim of seeking social articulation. Since the views we advocate in social movements are far more practical than theoretical, working with a grouping of tendencies can be interesting, involving people who agree with some or all of the positions we advocate in social movements (power, class struggle, autonomy, militancy, direct action, direct democracy, and revolutionary perspective), and including people who can help us increase social power in defending these positions.
74. WORKING WITH ACTIVISTS
The aim of anarchist organizing is not to make all activists anarchists, but to learn how to work with each of these activists in the most appropriate way. This form of organization aims to solve a very common problem we find in activism. For example, when we know very dedicated activists; revolutionaries who advocate for self-governance, autonomy, grassroots democracy, direct democracy, etc., and people with whom we don't work together because they are not anarchists. These activists can work with anarchists in tendency groupings and defend their positions together in social movements. A militant who has a great practical affinity with anarchists but is not an anarchist should be a member of a tendency grouping and can be fundamental to carrying out social work. If they have ideological affinity, they can be closer to organizing, or even join.
75th Vote
Regardless of the method, all activities that are negotiated and for which the organization is responsible will need to be carried out by its members. For this practice, there is a need to divide activities among the militants, always seeking a model that distributes them well, preventing the concentration of tasks on more active or capable members. When voting takes place, it can be easy for militants who are not involved in the matter being voted on to determine what others should do. Such situations require caution, especially when all members who were supposed to carry out the negotiated matter lose the vote and are forced to implement what has been decided by others. Since this is something to be avoided, we believe that compromise should not be mandatory. To give the decision-making process appropriate efficiency and to avoid giving too much power to isolated actors, we have chosen this model of attempting compromise and, where compromise is not possible, voting. This decision-making process is used to establish both theoretical and ideological unity, as well as strategic and tactical unity.
76. ORGANIZATIONAL DISCIPLINE
This position presents a relationship of shared responsibility between militants and the organization. Therefore, everyone who assumes a responsibility must possess sufficient discipline to fulfill it. Similarly, when the organization defines a course to be followed or something to be accomplished, it is individual discipline that will ensure the collectively resolved objective is realized.
77. THE MAIN ACTORS OF THE EXPLOITED CLASS
In the class struggle, the exploited classes are always in conflict with the dominant class. The truth is that the contradictions of capitalism produce a range of manifestations of the exploited classes, and we believe this is the best ground for sowing the seeds of anarchism. In explaining this perspective, we are not idolizing these classes or assuming that everything they do is always right, but we emphasize that their participation in the process of social transformation is absolutely central. Social work and articulation are the most important activities of specific anarchist organization. To this end, this entire process must take place within the exploited classes, who are the real main actors in the social transformation we advocate.
78. NEEDS-BASED SOCIAL WORK
The social work of anarchist organizing takes place in two ways:
Through continuous work with existing social movements.
By creating new social movements.
As we have discussed before, we understand social movements as the result of a three-legged stool: necessity, will, and organization. This means that organized anarchists should primarily strive to foster the desire and organization for a movement based on the needs of the exploited classes. Few are willing to fight for an idea that will only yield results in the long term. Therefore, to mobilize the people, we must first and foremost engage with the concrete issues and problems that affect them and are close to them. The role of anarchist organization is to articulate the necessities and mobilize around them. Whether in creating social movements or working with existing ones, the central idea is always to mobilize around necessity.
79. ACTIONS LEAD TO PRACTICE.
Social movements are the stages through which the exploited classes are mobilized. It is these movements that enable them to engage in political practice. Political practice seeks to engage the people in struggle against the forces of the system that oppresses them, provoking a confrontation with these forces. To the extent they deem necessary, the people themselves must demand, implement, and achieve all the improvements, gains, and freedoms they desire. This is done through organization and willpower. These demands must be persistent and progressively increase, each time demanding more and seeking the complete liberation of the exploited classes.
80. IDEOLOGY AND POLITICS OF THE MOVEMENTS
The political practice of social movements, which transforms into a struggle for short-term gains, brings with it the pedagogical meaning of increased consciousness for militants in the face of victories or defeats. We call the process of influencing social movements through anarchist practice social articulation. Thus, anarchist organization has social work when it creates or develops work with social movements, and social articulation when it succeeds in influencing movements with anarchist practices. It is not the case that social movements are within ideology, but rather that ideology is within social movements. Social articulation does not aim to "ideologize" social movements, to transform them into anarchist social movements. On the contrary, it seeks to imbue them with certain defined characteristics so that they can progress towards the construction and development of popular organization and point towards social revolution and libertarian socialism. It strives to enable social movements to advance as far as possible. When we speak of social articulation, we are concerned with the influence of anarchism within social movements. In this respect, while we maintain a distinction between the political (anarchist organization) and social (social movements) levels, we do not believe that the political level should have a hierarchy or dominance over the social level. Furthermore, we believe that the political level struggles alongside the social level, not for or before it-a relationship that is ethical. Specific anarchist organization, in its activity as an effective minority, struggles alongside the exploited classes, not for or before them. This complementary and dialectical relationship leads to anarchism influencing social movements and social movements influencing anarchism.
81. INFLUENCE
Once again, and briefly, we will state what characteristics we must maintain in social movements. These are: power, class struggle, militancy, autonomy, direct action, direct democracy, and a revolutionary perspective. Social movements must have a class struggle orientation and a class line, which means seeking broad participation of the exploited classes and supporting the class struggle. They must be militant, establishing their gains by asserting their social power. They must be autonomous from the state, political parties, bureaucratic unions, the church, and other bureaucratic and/or authoritarian bodies, making their own decisions and acting independently. Furthermore, they must use direct action as a form of political action, as opposed to representative democracy. Social movements must also use direct democracy as a method of decision-making, taking place in horizontal assemblies where all militants actively and equally make decisions. For us, influencing means creating change in an individual or a group of people through persuasion, advice, examples, guides, insights, and practices. We believe that within society itself, at any given moment, there are multiple interactions between different actors who influence and are influenced. Even from an anti-authoritarian perspective, this influence is inevitable and healthy.
82nd MOBILIZATION
For us, it is crucial to consider that the process of mobilization and influence goes beyond the objective aspects of the struggle, encompassing subjective dimensions as well. In this mobilization process, specific anarchist organizations must always behave ethically, regardless of the circumstances; they must strive to avoid establishing hierarchical or domineering relationships with social movements; they must tell the truth and never deceive the people; and they must always promote solidarity and mutual aid in their relationships with other militants. We must teach by doing, by example, far more than just talking. The militants of specific anarchist organizations must be very familiar with the environment in which they operate. Even if the positions of the anarchist organization are not in the majority, they must be demonstrated, and the views they advocate must be clarified. Similarly, they must not only offer critical positions but also adopt a positive/proactive attitude that seeks to build and advance movements. By provoking and encouraging the people, we must seek social articulation and ensure that social movements operate in the most libertarian and egalitarian ways possible. For anarchist militants, full integration with other activists in social movements is crucial; constant presence is essential for them to be recognized, legitimized, listened to, wanted, and welcomed. Therefore, organizing for any kind of work should always approach not the leaders and those who hold power within social movements, but the grassroots activists who are often suppressed by leadership and form the periphery, not the center, of the movements. Identifying and focusing efforts on people who have influence over others (local leaders who are grassroots-oriented and legitimized by them) in neighborhoods, communities, movements, unions, etc., is also important. These people are crucial for assisting grassroots mobilization, potentially generating anarchist influence, and even becoming involved in tendency groupings. When done this way, mobilization begins to function as a kind of "transformation." Thus, we can say that the function of specific anarchist organizing in social work and articulation is to be "a motor, an engine of social struggle, that does not replace them and does not represent them." We believe it is possible to build this engine by "militantly participating in the daily lives of popular movements in action, primarily in Brazil, in Latin America, and especially in Rio de Janeiro."
83. THEORY: ORGANIZATIONS AND DEFINITIONS
The understanding of libertarian socialism and the revolutionary process of transformation can today only be considered from a theoretical perspective, because in practice we are not living in a revolutionary time. Therefore, theory organizes the concepts that define the transformation into the future society and the society itself, which are the ultimate goals of specific anarchist organization. Theory also defines how the anarchist organization should act within the reality in which it operates to achieve its ultimate goals. Other steps are reserved for the future and can only be considered theoretically today. Theory is fundamental to both the design of strategy and the propaganda carried out by the organization. Strategy seeks to increase the efficiency of the anarchist organization's work, while propaganda is crucial in the sense of spreading anarchist ideas. In trying to understand the reality in which it operates, theory organizes information and data. It shapes the understanding of the historical moment in which we operate and the definition of its social, political, and economic characteristics. It also provides a complete diagnosis of the reality in which the specific anarchist organization operates. Theory is important to consider the context in a regional sense, because if this is not done, you risk applying an incorrect methodology to the process of social transformation (the "importation" of ready-made theories from other times and contexts).
84. THEORY IN PROPAGANDA
It is also important that theory production aims to update outdated ideological aspects or to adapt ideology to specific and particular realities. Theory is also crucial in the propaganda process, as it is necessary to coherently articulate concepts to promote anarchist ideas. The more theory is produced and disseminated, the easier it becomes for anarchism to permeate society as a whole. When theory is used for propaganda, it shapes the past through the study and reproduction of anarchist theories aimed at deepening the ideological level and making anarchist ideology more recognizable. This can also occur in relation to the present and the future through the theoretical dissemination of materials that explain our critiques of present society, our understanding of future society, and the process of social transformation.
85. THEORY AND PRACTICE
Not everything theoretically produced or generated within anarchism serves the practice we desire. Theory promoted by intellectuals far removed from struggle or with little social work, by those who believe they understand theory better than anyone else and have found definitive answers to theoretical questions, is of little use, because we only verify the usefulness of theory in practice; practice necessarily contributes to theory. Furthermore, we do not believe that anarchist organization, in order to act, must first and foremost possess a deep and advanced theory. While we argue that theory is crucial for effective practice, we do not believe that theory produced without concrete and sustained contact with practice can yield any promising results. Therefore, social work and articulation enable anarchist organization to carry out all its theoretical production with greater precision. Practice tests anarchist ideology, allows anarchist organization to better consider its possibilities and horizons, to be much more programmatic, to act with its feet firmly on the ground, and to live life as it is, not as it should be. From this relationship between theory and practice, we understand the theoretical path of specific anarchist organization as a continuous process of theorizing, practicing, evaluating theory and reformulating it if necessary, theorizing, practicing, etc.
86. THEORY AND IDEOLOGY
Theory necessarily has ideological aspects, and ideology necessarily has theoretical aspects. Therefore, there is a direct link between the two. Many anarchist organizations define theory solely as an understanding of the reality in which they operate. In this way, they separate theory from ideology; the former as a "set of concepts articulated together in a coherent manner," serving only to formulate answers to the "first question" of strategy, which we call "where we are." However, theory also serves to answer the second and third questions of strategy, namely, "where do we want to go?" and "how do we think we can get from where we are to where we want to be?"
87th UNIT
This unity is achieved through the decision-making process of anarchist organization, and its aim is to establish a clear political line (theoretical and ideological) that must necessarily guide all activities and actions, both as a whole and in detail, in complete and continuous conformity with the line defined by the organization. With this well-defined political line, everyone knows how to act, and it is well known that the line needs to be revised in case of practical problems. When the theoretical and ideological line is not well-defined and a problem arises, there are difficulties in knowing what needs to be revised. Therefore, it is the clarity of this line that enables the theoretical development of the organization. The absence of this theoretical and ideological political line leads to a lack of articulation, or even a contradictory articulation, in the totality of concepts, resulting in incorrect, confusing, and/or unproductive practice.
88. CONSISTENTLY ORGANIZED
As we have seen, organization, understood as the coordination of forces to achieve a goal, multiplies the results of individual work, and this is also true for propaganda. We understand propaganda as the dissemination of anarchist ideas and a fundamental activity of anarchist organization. Its purpose is to introduce anarchism and attract people to our cause. Propaganda is one of the activities of anarchist organization, not its only activity. It must be carried out continuously and in an organized manner.
89. ACTIVATING CONSCIOUSNESS
We understand that any process of social transformation with ultimate goals, as we propose, will depend on the acceptance, or at least the "non-rejection," of large segments of the population. In this sense, theoretical, educational, and/or cultural propaganda will contribute significantly. This mass propaganda work slowly turns public consciousness and leads to more questioning and less reproduction of the ideology of capitalism already transmitted in the form of culture. We argue that specific anarchist organization uses every means at its disposal to carry out this continuous and organized propaganda. Primarily in the theoretical, educational, and/or cultural sphere, through courses, talks, discussions, conferences, study groups, websites, email, theatre, newsletters, newspapers, magazines, books, videos, music, libraries, public events, radio programs, television programs, libertarian schools, etc. Such propaganda is fundamental because, when carried out on a large scale, it functions as a social "lubricant," slowly changing the culture in which we live and facilitating the introduction of anarchist ideas and practices into society.
90. THE LIMITS OF PROPAGANDA
Propaganda aims to transform people's ideas. And that's why we see serious limitations in this model of propaganda. This increase in consciousness does not in any way mean that the exploitation and domination of capitalist society will tend to decrease. Nor does it necessarily mean that people will continue to organize themselves to fight back. Even in a hypothetical situation where everyone is conscious, we can say that we would continue to be exploited and subjugated.
PROPAGANDA WITH EXAMPLES (EXAMPLE 91)
The question of "where and for whom propaganda should be conducted" must always be considered. We argue that, in addition to propaganda in the theoretical, educational, and/or cultural spheres, we must primarily continue propaganda in struggle and organization-that is, propaganda in social work aimed at social articulation. We understand the entire process of social work and articulation, which we have discussed earlier, as the main propaganda work that anarchist organization must develop. Taking place in the realm of class struggle and social movements, anarchist propaganda aims to mobilize, organize, and influence social movements through anarchist practice. For movements to be influenced by anarchism means seeking to ensure they possess the characteristics we advocate: power, a class struggle perspective, militancy, autonomy, direct action, direct democracy, and a revolutionary perspective. As an active minority in the struggle, anarchists create social movements, participate in existing ones, and strive to influence them, always by example, to function as libertarian and egalitarian as possible. In this way, anarchist propaganda serves the role of anarchists as an effective minority within social movements and contributes to the entire working process of the actual creation of popular organization.
92. POLITICAL LEVEL TRAINING
Political education at the political level deepens knowledge about other ideological currents and social movements, as well as historical, current, and future questions. It is promoted in various ways: through courses and training books for militants, training seminars, self-education by militants, etc. Education provides support for new militants, so that the differences in educational level between those who are less and more educated are as small as possible, and the high level of discussion within the organization is not negatively affected by these differences. For the supporting militants of a specific anarchist organization, political education provides the theoretical and ideological foundation for understanding its political line.
93. SOCIAL LEVEL EDUCATION
Political education seeks to develop militants who operate within tendency groupings and integrates them into anarchist organization when they share ideological affinities. For social movements to possess desirable characteristics and to point towards the construction of popular organization, it is essential that militants are as politicized as possible, and political education plays a crucial role in this. This political education at the societal level is fundamental to the politicization of militants.
94. RELATIONSHIPS AND FUNDS
Relationships can be more or less organic, more or less formal. At the political level, anarchist organizing seeks to engage with organizations, groups, and individuals from all walks of life who can contribute to its practice. At the social level, anarchist organizing seeks to recognize and engage with social movements, to become more or less connected to them, and even to contact other bodies such as universities, councils, foundations, NGOs, human rights, ecological organizations, etc. Although we are opposed to the logic of capitalism, as long as we live within it, we will have to raise and manage funds for the realization of our activities. These funds are important: for carrying out social work (transportation of militants, etc.); for purchasing books; for printing propaganda material (brochures, newspapers, books, videos, etc.); for organizational structures (maintenance of spaces, etc.); for travel and other activities.
THE MAIN ACTOR OF THE 95TH TRANSFORMATION
At this level, when discussing social movements, we emphasize that they should not be confined within an ideology, but rather formed around a need, a common and concrete cause. We understand that only through the convergence of various social movements in building a popular organization can we overcome capitalism and the state, and build libertarian socialism through social revolution. The social level is the primary actor in the process of social transformation. Social movements should be organized around concrete and pragmatic issues aimed at improving the living conditions of the exploited classes in the event of victory. These movements should include everyone who is interested in the struggle around these issues and who will benefit if the struggle is victorious.
96. LIMITATIONS OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
Social movements are still subject to changes in circumstances and are sometimes responsible for the end of mobilization. These processes of regression are also often responsible for the loss of accumulated experience and learning in struggles. Many social movements become reformist movements, that is, movements whose aim is a correction or gain within the capitalist system. Certain characteristics are inherent at the social level and complicate this process of social transformation (social movements -> popular organization -> social revolution -> libertarian socialism). There are organizations that try to ideologize the movements, weakening them; there are organizations that try to use them by making them function for their own purposes (different from the aims of the movements); there are movements that do not seek the participation of the exploited classes and become a "vanguard" detached from the grassroots; there are movements that function only with the help of governments and capitalists; there are movements that are completely dependent on politicians, parties, and other authoritarian groupings; there are movements that want to elect candidates and participate politically only through representative democracy; there are movements that support hierarchical relationships where the leadership makes the decisions and the base only obeys; there are reformist movements; There are isolated movements that don't want to connect with others; there are movements that don't produce theory and situational analysis; and many more.
97. THE POLITICAL LEVEL IS IDEOLOGICAL.
Unlike the social level, the political level is an ideological level, an anarchist level. This political level must necessarily interact with the social level, because we understand that without the social level, the political level is incapable of achieving the desired social transformation. We understand that only through this social articulation is it possible to build popular organization and increase its social power to achieve the ultimate goals. We understand that this transformation will be the result of a contribution made by the political level to this social level. Specific anarchist organization aims to put into practice a revolutionary politics that designs the means to achieve the ultimate goals (social revolution and libertarian socialism), always basing action on strategy. To this end, it organizes itself as an active minority coordinating ideological militant activities that function as the yeast for the struggles of the social level. The main activity undertaken by this political level is social work, which takes place when the political level interacts with the social level. In this context, the political level tries to influence the social level as much as possible, causing it to function in as libertarian and egalitarian a way as possible. We have seen that this can occur directly or through groupings of tendencies between anarchist organization and social movements. We say that the political level has social articulation from the moment it achieves this, even partially. Because the social level changes more than the political level according to the conjuncture, it is characterized by strong rises and falls. In periods of rise of social movements, the role of specific anarchist organization is to push them forward. In periods of decline, its role is to "keep the flame alive," or to wait and prepare for new opportunities for movement. Therefore, an important function of the political level is to ensure the continuity of ideology and the accumulation of struggles in periods of decline (and even in periods of rise) of the social level.
98. A PIONEER AS A BEAM OF LIGHT
When we define the political level as the specific anarchist organization of an effective minority, we are seeking a meaning opposed to that of authoritarian vanguard organization. Thus, the process by which the political level influences the social level seeks to ensure that it possesses the desired characteristics. If it already exists, the political level merely accompanies it; if not, it struggles to ensure its existence. Although authoritarians posit a distinction between the social and political levels, they believe that the political level has a hierarchical and dominating relationship with the social level. Thus, the hierarchy and domination within the political level (authoritarian parties) are reproduced in their relations with the social level. Similarly, authoritarians understand the reproduction of consciousness, which operates within the political level through hierarchy and domination, and which, according to their understanding, must be transferred from the political level to the social level, from the "conscious" to the "unconscious." The relationship is not a two-way relationship from political to social and vice versa, but rather a one-way relationship only from political to social, which ultimately becomes a conveyor belt for the ideas of the political.
99. ETHICAL ISSUE
An anarchist organization can only avoid acting like an authoritarian party (even if revolutionary) through ethics. Unlike vanguard organization, the political level organized as an active minority acting ethically does not have a hierarchy or relationship of domination with respect to the social level. The aim of the active minority is to encourage, stand shoulder to shoulder, and show solidarity when needed and demanded, all through ethics. When in contact with the social level, specific anarchist organization acts ethically and does not seek positions of privilege, impose its will, dominate, deceive, alienate, consider itself superior, or fight for or in front of social movements. Specific anarchist organization fights alongside social movements, never going a step further than what they aim for.
100. FOREIGN EXPERTISE
Unlike authoritarians, for us the social level influences the political level, and always should. That is, by comparing its ideology with the practice of the social level, the political level will also have very important contributions to make to anarchist organization. We believe that the political level can only design a coherent revolutionary strategy from the moment it makes contact with the practice at the social level. This does not mean that we advocate a certain kind of "grassrootsism" that understands everything that social movements advocate as correct. We know that often these movements have characteristics different from what we desire, and worse: they sometimes shift to the right, advocating capitalist or even dictatorial positions, as in fascism. While we do not believe that we should be at the forefront of social movements, we also do not believe that we should be behind them, following all their demands.
101. THREE QUESTIONS OF STRATEGY
We can define the strategy from the formulation of the answers to three questions:
Where are we?
Where do we want to go?
How do we think we can get out of where we are and get to where we want to be?
Strategy, then, is the theoretical formulation of a diagnosis of the current situation, a design of the desired state, and a series of actions aimed at transforming the current situation and bringing it to the desired state. In short, everything in organization, from the most complex to the simplest, can and should be done strategically. Any action that specific anarchist organization, even its militants, aims to carry out can be designed strategically. Behind the design of all this theoretical material lies a strategic logic. Designing our strategy for social transformation is what we are trying to achieve in this text. First, by reflecting on the first question and mapping capitalism and the state that shape the society of domination and exploitation. Then, by reflecting on the second question, by trying to design our ultimate goals, which are social revolution and libertarian socialism. Finally, by reflecting on the third question and proposing a social transformation that takes place through social movements that transform into popular organization and in constant interaction with specific anarchist organization.
102. DEVELOPMENT AND EVALUATION
Specific anarchist organization should strive to diagnose the reality in which it operates, to define long-term ultimate goals, and, most importantly, to identify different periods and cycles of struggle, each with its own objectives. This "macro" line (diagnosis, medium and long-term goals) is called strategy, and the major goals are called strategic goals. Strategy, then, is further detailed along a more "micro" line, namely tactics, which defines short-term goals and the actions put into practice by militants or militant groups with the aim of achieving short-term tactical goals. Each militant has a well-defined function and clear objectives to be achieved. Clearly, the achievement of tactical objectives should contribute to approaching, or even achieving, strategic goals. Assessments are made by evaluating how activities are progressing, whether they are heading towards where we envisioned, and whether we were wrong about something. In short: we look at whether we are progressing towards the defined goals or moving away from them. In the first case, we correct mistakes, make adjustments, and continue in the same way. In the second case, we change tactical actions and ultimately strategy, repeating the same process within a specific timeframe. It is this process of acting, evaluating, maintaining, re-evaluating, etc., that causes the organization to progress strategically and continue correctly in the struggle.
103. STRATEGIC LINE
For establishing a strategic line and shaping the program, contact with practice, which enriches theory with knowledge, is essential. This contact will also ensure the correct tactical implementation of the strategy. Through the program, the specific anarchist organization announces its strategic proposal for social transformation. It serves both to guide the actions of the organization's militants and to make the organization's positions clear to other people who are not part of it, making this whole analysis and proposals publicly available. If the goals change, for example, in a post-revolutionary situation, the strategy can be changed. Therefore, the importance of both understanding the actual situation in which we live and establishing clear and precise goals-fundamental components in developing the strategy-comes from this.
104. COLLECTIVE DECISIONS, NOT INDIVIDUAL DISPUTES.
In relation to ideology, strategy is far more flexible, as it changes according to the social context and the current situation. It is natural to apply different tactics to the political practice of anarchism in every context and conjuncture. The organization decides on the answers to the three questions of strategy, either through consensus or voting. It formulates the tactical-strategic line, and everyone moves in the same direction. The relatively common practice of many anarchist groups and organizations carrying out different actions, to the right and to the left, while understanding that they contribute to a common whole, is unacceptable. The specific anarchist organizational model requires militants to do things they don't particularly like, or to stop doing some things they do like. This is to ensure that the organization moves forward with strategy. Moving forward with strategy makes anarchist organization a coherent and effective organization; an organization dedicated to serious, committed militancy, where militants do what they have prioritized and work on tasks that contribute most effectively to the consolidation of their strategic goals. We must emphasize that the freedom to join an organization is equivalent to the freedom to break away from it, and that an individual or a minority has the freedom to leave if they feel frequently disregarded by the decisions of the majority. It is important to stress that strategic decisions, even when made through voting, are collective decisions, not individual disagreements within the organization.
[1]Anarchists who reject the theory of "dual organization" (see 3, "Organization is the Main Principle"), which is the most important pillar of speciation, and who cannot be in the field of struggle. (translator's note)
[2]Ideal Peres (1925-1995), Brazilian anarchist militant who played a significant role in the reorganization of the Brazilian anarchist movement and continued libertarian education and organization activities despite the repression during the military dictatorship.
https://www.yeryuzupostasi.org/2026/08/01/sosyal-vektoru-kazanmak-icin-104-adim/
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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