The deliberately provocative question aims to stimulate reflection and move beyond a simplistic, dogmatic answer. Regarding war, even the greatest libertarian thinkers have not always managed to maintain a clear position, as exemplified by Pierre Kropotkin and his Manifesto of the Sixteen of 1916, which supported the war against German imperialism. On the question of French Guiana, reading Carlos Taibo's work on overseas anarchisms[note]reveals that libertarian propaganda can spread throughout the world without guilt, provided it decolonizes itself. ---- The indigenous people of French Guiana are dying ---- In French Guiana, gold has always stirred intense passions, consuming both people and the land. Today, approximately 10 tons of gold (at over EUR100 per gram) are extracted each year by up to 10,000 garimpeiros, illegal gold miners, mostly Brazilians. A peak in the number of
illegal placer mines (gold mining sites) was reached in February 2026, according to state-run aerial surveys of the forest: 189 placer mines where, after clearing the forest with chainsaws and heavy machinery, the garimpeiros, under the watchful eyes of armed guards, leach the soil using monitor lances that project high-pressure water from nearby streams. The earth becomes mud, and the gold is collected on sloping boards, then amalgamated with mercury, which is readily available in neighboring Suriname. The earth, now liquid and containing countless quantities of heavy metals-including mercury, in addition to that of anthropogenic origin-flows into the waterways. The suspended matter makes the rivers turbid, preventing any aquatic life. The mercury, now methylmercury, is transmitted to the fish and poisons the Indigenous children and pregnant women who have traditionally consumed them. The presenceof the gold miners generates arms and drug trafficking, prostitution, and deadly score-settling. The canoes supplying the camps (electronics, generators, tools, food, etc.) harass the Indigenous villages with their noise, day and night. The inhabitants are threatened; their traditional way of life, rooted in the forest, is endangered: the water becomes deadly, game dwindles, hunted by the garimpeiros, as do the pigments used in traditional arts, which become increasingly scarce with each deforestation. The indigenous people of French Guiana are dying out, many turning to alcoholism or joining new American evangelical churches: the suicide rate among the Wayana people of the Upper Maroni, caught in a profound identity crisis, is 10 to 20 times higher than that of mainland France.
So, what is the State doing?
A legal action has been initiated by environmental associations and representatives of Indigenous peoples, seeking recognition of the State's culpable failure to combat illegal gold mining and demanding increased human and material resources. One of the primary demands, made with a heavy heart, is to increase the number of soldiers and gendarmes assigned to this specific fight. Indeed, faced with the threat, the State is doing far too little: the EUR70 million allocated annually pales in comparison to the EUR600 million of Operation Sentinelle, which has become ineffective; the 350 soldiers and gendarmes deployed daily in the forest are a paltry number compared to the 3,200 law enforcement officers deployed on March 25, 2025, in Sainte-Soline.
After the administrative court rejected the associations' appeal in May 2026, the Wayana traditional chiefs of the Upper Maroni wrote to the prefect of French Guiana in a threatening tone, forbidding him from setting foot in their ancestral territory unless a genuine war was waged against illegal gold mining. Meanwhile, on the Upper Oyapock, the Teko and Wayampi chiefs of Camopi also indicated their intention to wage war, stating that their people have waged such wars for millennia to survive.
It goes without saying that the Wayana villages of the Upper Maroni have far more progressive forms of governance than the communes of mainland France: while relationships of domination, power, and money are not absent, decisions are, for example, often made following a process of direct deliberation involving all interested inhabitants, under the tukusipan, the village's main shelter.
Whether these same inhabitants wish to take up arms against the gold miners, or whether the State should do so in their place, can be unsettling for the dogmatic, anti-militarist anarchist. Would a war solely dedicated to protecting their health and environment be just? For some twenty years, and before the State launched its Anaconda, Harpie, and Harpie II operations, the indigenous people of the Oyapock and Maroni rivers had already attempted to organize their own defense: exchanges of gunfire with the garimpeiros (illegal gold miners) or the installation of cables across rivers to block passage were moments of intense conflict with the prefecture and the gendarmerie, who cried foul, claiming they were disturbing the peace. The indigenous people know the forest far better than the soldiers of the 9th Marine Infantry Regiment (9e RIMA) to the west or the 3rd Foreign Infantry Regiment (3e REI) to the east, and even better than the mobile gendarmerie. Some are integrated into the armed forces as canoeists and reservists
. Shouldn't they be the ones waging this war? But with what means?
The only other solution proposed by the State, besides war, is, unsurprisingly, neoliberalism, through increasing the number of mining permits granted to legal gold miners who would occupy the land in place of the illegal ones. But these "legal" miners destroy the forest just as much, since, according to a report by the French National Forestry Office (ONF) released to the public in 2026, three-quarters of them commit violations of mining and environmental legislation.
Other paths may be possible:
improving living conditions in the Brazilian Northeast, the region of origin for the vast majority of gold miners; hiring illegal miners in useful jobs in French Guiana; outreach and mediation missions between the miners and the local communities to help them understand each other's problems, etc.
But can these measures be implemented urgently, and are they viable for 10,000 garimpeiros fleeing poverty, indebted, or under pressure from Brazilian mafia factions, when paid jobs for the equally or even fewer indigenous population are sorely lacking, and when meager family and unemployment benefits are consumed by alcohol?
The French overseas territories, still not legally, economically, or morally decolonized, seem to be a relatively blind spot in anarchist discussions. How can libertarian activists respond to the indigenous population's cry for help? If the option of armed struggle is ideologically unacceptable, what concrete solutions can be implemented to urgently end this health, environmental, and cultural catastrophe?
Antoine Le Scolan
Individual 973
https://monde-libertaire.net/?articlen=9201
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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