(en) Italy, .Sicilia Libertaria: Cinema - Pino Bertelli (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 Current Italian cinema, the ugliest in the world, is a rehash of encyclopaedic

jokes... same voices, same faces, same bibliographic events and everywhere the
same mercantile philosophy... the myths of art, politics, fashion... are bundled
together on the other, without ever being questioned or gutted in their own
contents and truths... fairy tales become certainties, fairy tale certainties
packaged for the attestation of the dominant historiography which converts them
into products for immediate sale and sends them to the funeral of desire .
Since every love wants eternity, Nietzsche said, and we love the madmen, the
thieves, the homeless and the whores of Caravaggio (Michelangelo Merisi)
desecrated in an immortal atheist pietas... and we have never thought of
accessing the rank of blessed by will of a pope, a merchant or a secret service
cop... we are taken by skepticism at the sight of Michele Placido's film, The
Shadow of Caravaggio, as much as by the abysmal boredom that his awkward shots
bring to the eye. You have to be crazy, demented or saints to believe that such
an iconographic junk can really return the immense art of a subversive with no
regrets like Caravaggio ... it is clear that the director has not studied well
nor Goethe's lessons on color , neither the cinematographic form of Ejzenštejn,
nor even less the impetuous vision of the bodies of Pasolini or the Promethean
epic of Dreyer... in short, he built a sort of filmic scaffolding, not even
pleasant, with the municipal vocation for the Roman caricature (as one perceives
in the dialogues transposed to the contemporary).

It is not enough. Caravaggio's shadow is sprinkled with discourses on art, on
philosophy, on morals that recall the flattery builders of the Salesian friars...
life is created in art and tempered in faith or vice versa. In reality it should
be said that art is a profusion of excesses, excesses, unruliness of the artist
and under every sky it delegitimizes power (even the one that subsidizes it) or
is nothing. We do not want to make a list of artists who in every form of
expression have disobeyed the pope, the banker or the patron who authorized their
manufacture... Goya painted the Spanish court of Charles IV... but this did not
prevent him from depicting (even with subtle irony) the nobles for what they
were... parasites of appearance and flatterers of the cane. Goya never disguised
convenience at the level of a style, he produced a style that went beyond
conventions, and it is no coincidence that he then made The Disasters of War and
aligned his indignation with the people in revolt against the massacres of
Giuseppe Bonaparte (Napoleon's brother, shot on the throne of Spain). The sleep
of reason generates monsters (1797, circa) or May 3, 1808 (1814), are there to
testify that authentic art does not tolerate impositions or codifications and in
the insolence of creativity, unearths the cemetery of definitions.

 From The Shadow of Caravaggio. Naples, 1609. Caravaggio is sentenced to be
beheaded for killing his friend Ranuccio Tomassoni. He finds refuge with Costanza
Colonna and the nephew of the Pope, Scipione Borghese. The painter's life was
wild... he drank a lot, had sex with prostitutes, boys and often found himself at
the center of brawls and revelry... the Holy Roman Church controlled him through
a sort of inquisitor, the Shadow of Caravaggio, in fact... almost a young,
petrified Maigret who investigates his deeds, let alone! Does the film settle on
a police investigation?! Blood runs throughout much of the narrative. Cardinals,
counts and marquises are attracted by the Dionysian bravado of Caravaggio...
frequenter of proxeneti (exploiters of prostitutes), outcasts, beggars, the last
of the society that he will take as models for his works... saints, male and
female saints, madonnas... a bum will be Peter, the first pontiff elected by
Jesus Christ (?!), crucified upside down out of humility and unworthiness towards
Christ. Caravaggio's blasphemous and immoral canvases disturb the hierarchies of
the Church... the painter flees to Naples, then reaches Malta and thanks to
Constance he is knighted. Caravaggio returns to Naples where he is attacked. In
Palo Laziale the inquisitor meets Caravaggio and promises to save his life in
exchange for the cessation of painting... Caravaggio refuses the offer, the
inquisitor strikes the painter and delivers him to Ranuccio's brother who
barbarously kills him.

Caravaggio's shadow extends over certifications of non-existence already seen in
Goffredo Alessandrini's Caravaggio-the cursed painter (1941), with Amedeo Nazzari
and Clara Calamai, which the beautiful fascist bourgeoisie sang its praises while
the black twenty years was starting to collapse...   Nazzari rolled his eyes and
held swords in the manner of a third-rate butcher and Calamai gave away bare
shoulders, but she absolutely lacked that whore-like frivolity that illuminates
every sacred painting of the Madonna. Caravaggio's choleric painting is a
philosophy of misery reversed in poetry that evokes its beauty and nobility in
the face of the despisers of justice and builders of gallows. Perhaps because he
knew that "with the irreparable beauty of poetry the reader is not discouraged,
even if he has studied a little", Dante, I think he said... but he is made aware
that all power is based on the assent of those on whom it rests!

Wholesale... in 1967 Silverio Blasi, robust TV-director, fires the script
Caravaggio with Gian Maria Volonté... despite the interpretative strength of
Volonté, the product is poor, false and incomplete even from the historical point
of view... the myth surpasses the truth , which for Caravaggio was much more
important than beauty. The miniseries Caravaggio (2018) by Angelo Longoni debates
between the demonic and the pictorial idolatry of Caravaggio... Alessio Boni
rather than remembering the painter, refers to a Vatican house painter in
disguise. The docufilm Caravaggio-The soul and the blood, a Sky production,
directed by Jesus Garces Lambert, is a plethora of reinterpretations of the
artist's works that add nothing or take away from a refresher course on Italian
art. It is enough to see Derek Jarman's Caravaggio (1986), a small jewel of
interpretative-figurative beauty, to fully understand the art of the dagger and
the eternal heretical painting of Caravaggio. Here there is no ambiguity of
genius, there is the genius who expands his art until it explodes against the
vaunted royal culture, cloaked in social and political disasters.

The actorship of The shadow of Caravaggio leaves no room for misunderstandings.
Riccardo Scamarcio portrays Caravaggio in the manner of a bewildered waiter who
moves as best he can between farce and oratorio dilettantism... he really does
not have the plebeian vulgarity nor the erotic passion that made Caravaggio a
commentator on the contempt and uprooting of the aristocratic dunghill of his own
weather. Louis Garrel, a valuable interpreter elsewhere, does not seem to be at
ease playing the Shadow of the painter... he always remains on the sidelines of
the scene and seems to think like a police inspector full of convictions and
certainties unworthy even for the last executioner in London, that at least he
knew how to hang even the least of the poor with a certain grace. Isabelle
Huppert is a Constance who is shipwrecked in the impersonal... caught up in
little habits and attitudes that do not echo the sensations of infamy or love
that invested the muse-protectress of that artist suspended between the agonizing
and the fury of the right and the true that they came out of his art. Of all the
chain of actors (including Placido-cardinal) it is better to postpone... each one
seems resigned to life imprisonment or the guillotine... no one takes upon
himself the image of what they wanted to destroy... everyone places himself in
the indefinite and everyone remains on the edge of fictitious paradises where no
one is saved or lost. Only Moni Ovadia does Filippo Neri as he was embodied... a
few gestures, deep gazes, face turned away from the epitaph as if from
enchantment... we see that Ovadia does not wear halos or pre-established
grammars... he looks at us, speaks to us and makes us listen. Above all, he makes
us understand that it is the overcoming of imposed reason that creates the human
in man.

The legend narrates the meeting between Filippo Neri and Caravaggio... but it is
quite improbable because the saint died in 1595, the very year in which
Caravaggio arrived in Rome... nevertheless The parable of the two wolves really
contains the restless and turbulent soul of the artist and man: "In you I see two
wolves fighting against each other and having to tear each other to pieces", San
Filippo Neri would have said to Caravaggio. The painter asks "which of the two
will be able to win". The saint allegedly gave him this answer: "The one you feed
the most".

Caravaggio's shadow is wrapped in a darkened photograph (Michele D'Attanasio)...
as if to cover the emotions, to make violence and celebrations spectacular. The
editing (Consuelo Carlucci) is slow, without internal connections and with the
music (Federica Vincenti, Umberto Jervolino), sets (Tonino Zera) and costumes
(Carlo Poggioli) rather mellifluous, they make the film slide into a facade
spirituality... everything seems avoid condemnation to the happiness or
unhappiness of this or that character and the Church is not my accused of outrage
to the freedom to live outside of sanctity or servitude.

Authentic art would be intolerable without the genius, the madman or the accursed
poet who denies it... at a certain degree of transgression, any frankness becomes
indecent and must be punished. But it is in the irreparable wound of pain that
love awakens and sings the dissolution of the powerful.

Pino Bertell

https://www.sicilialibertaria.it/
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(en) Italy, FDCA, IL Cantiere #14: Between the transformation of politics and the historical defeat suffered by the lower classes, the urgency of activating the restoration and re-proposition of our history arises (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 "It was Vittorio Foa who altered the honorable Pisanò of the Italian Social

Movement with a phrase that still makes the difference between fascists and
non-fascists: If she had won, he underlined in a televised debate, I would still
be in prison. Having won, she he is a senator of the republic and speaks here
with me". ---- From ŽŽ Collective ŽŽ of October 21, 2021 ---- The epigraph
statement is from those who intend to express high-sounding content good for
leaving their mark. Which actually happened in the context of an institutional or
aspiring left, however overwhelmed by the crisis of parliamentarianism which has
progressively eroded, in an articulated and complex historical path, the
"propulsive capacity" of a very articulated parliamentary left,

And it is precisely this left that has expressed indignation on the occasion of
the well-known controversies involving the Hon. Ignazio La Russa of "Fratelli
d'Italia" (FdI), already risen to the second institutional position as president
of the senate of the republic.

Indeed, a vast group of the left would have been indignant at his declarations:
"I don't care about the liturgy, I don't deny my ideas", uttered on the occasion
of the celebrations of the "Italian Social Movement" (MSI), the heir party of the
" Italian social republic", founded in 1946 and present in the parliament of the
republic since 1948, a party in which our president of the senate has served
since the beginning of the 1970s and which also saw the political birthplace of
Giorgia Meloni.l '900

If we were to update the declaration of "the father of the left" we should also
remember that the MSI and its political derivatives have been present without
interruption, and for seventy-four years, in the institutions of the republic and
that, through a long march of consolidation, they have succeeded to climb them to
the highest levels up to expressing the first presidency of the council of
ministers which addresses a clear historical and political reference to the MSI.

Truly a great success for the "father's left", further confirmation that in every
circumstance the story punctually expresses the characters who interpret it.

We have dwelt on these considerations as we believe fascism to be a historical
category that cannot be extended, at least at this stage, to the Italian and
European reality: but we also affirm that fascism and any other form of reaction,
however implemented and feasible, arise precisely from the underbelly of
bourgeois democracy, even when it waves "the most beautiful constitution in the
world".

Bourgeois democracy, reaction and fascism are forms of bourgeois domination which
also take the form of antagonistic forms: but it should be emphasized that their
evident diversification, historically matured on an economic, social, political
and institutional level, has always been "dosed", in form and in substance, by
the bourgeoisie itself in order to maintain and replicate its class rule.

But this "dosage" was and still is articulated in diversified and contradictory
historical phases which, albeit dominated by capital, have expressed and continue
to express multiple directions and different aims by the bourgeois components
that this dosage has pursued and is still pursuing.

It would therefore be antihistorical and superficial to define the current
government as "fascist", when in the lines of foreign policy, economic and social
policy it flatly pursues the directives imparted not by the "plutocratic
democracies" which never existed, but those imparted by European financial
capital in its weak and therefore still inadequate imperialist configuration
which, at the national level, pursues the class interests of the bourgeoisie and
the petty bourgeoisie with all the contradictions, delays, imbalances and
conservative, sovereign and reactionary implications that derive from them,
already pursued in whole or in part by previous governments and, lastly, by the
Draghi government of which both Lega and Forza Italia formed an integral part.

On the other hand, electoral political representations weigh for what they are
socially capable of expressing, and what we can define as one of the most
significant phenomena of last September's elections, namely the "breakthrough" of
FdI in the north, whose productive fabric of goods and services is linked to the
German market, finds itself having to deal with the advance and affirmation of
European restructuring with all its economic and social implications and, above
all, with the tiring, contradictory and divisive adaptation of the bourgeoisie
Italy to these processes, in the context of the escalation of the conflict
between imperialist powers which throughout the world are facing each other in
real wars for the control of the world market.

Imperialism produces war, which also returns to the heart of Europe: Russia and
the United States clash in fact in the war in Ukraine, one of the innumerable
imperialist conflicts fought by proxy: in the specific case for the control of
the Eurasian market, which it overlooks Chinese imperialism.

A war that the European Union finds itself facing with all its strategic
inadequacy matured so far on an economic, political and institutional level with
respect to the needs of the sharpening of the clash between the main imperialist
powers.

Hence its weakness.

In this context, even the League, which has suffered a real collapse in its
northern strongholds conquered by FdI, seems induced to "milder advice".

In fact, even the League (which was in the Draghi government), as well as FdI
(which instead was in the opposition), found themselves "obtorto collo" having to
abandon the demagogic lever of anti-tax and anti-EU resentment, to look at the
ESM and the PNRR, i.e. Europe, previously so virulently opposed.

The fact that the League then expressed, and continues to subduedly express, a
pro-Russian tendency in line with some alignments of Italian industrial groups,
this constitutes another contradiction with the affirmed "Atlantist" tendency
endorsed by the European Union and tendentially accepted also by FdI: a trend
imposed by US imperialism and for now non-negotiable.

Another matter of interest is the persistence in Italy of the historic
north-south imbalance which seems to reward the M5S, which in any case came out
halved by the elections of 25 September. The political scenography of national
transformism uses the caricature of a statist south, governed by basic income and
substantially parasitic, to the productive north of the industrial groups that
still resist, small and medium-sized industry, logistics and the advanced
tertiary sector.

In this context, "differentiated autonomy" represents the demagogic, classist,
disorganized and extremely dangerous attempt due to the devastating implications
on the living conditions of the less well-off social classes, which the current
government pursues in order to resolve internal conflicts by recovering resources
to consolidate and expand its bourgeois and petty bourgeois electoral base and to
counter the progressive southern rooting of the M5S: all without disturbing
European imperialism which willingly acquiesces.

Transformism is historically an Italian variant and in this phase it is also
characterizing the current government and the parties that make it up, whose
history has to deal, we repeat, with the tendencies towards international
productive restructuring that also affect Italy. within the framework of the
state of inadequacy of European imperialism, which is driven to achieve greater
exploitation of the manual and intellectual workforce, eroding rights won at the
price of hard struggles, squeezing wages already attacked by inflation and
cutting essential services, at the in order to recover resources precisely to
counter this inadequacy.

In Italy the repercussions of these tendencies have overwhelmed our class in a
growing situation of defeat, where social opposition manifests itself patchily:
the most significant experiences of struggle attributable to the GKN and to some
sectors of logistics, precariousness and unemployment, fail to generalize to
broader levels and remain isolated.

The struggles manifest themselves, but are pulverized in a local and inevitably
defensive dimension with respect to the great restructuring processes underway;
on the other hand, general strikes are no longer successful: those recently
called by the CGIL and UIL, as indeed those called by the various acronyms of
conflictual unionism, have reached insignificant and sometimes negligible
adhesions, which express the common tendency towards self-referentiality of the
groups union leaders, driven towards a progressive but inevitable detachment from
real class dynamics.

A similar divisive situation also characterizes mass movements whose significant
struggles, for objectives and methods of mobilization, do not generalize into a
common front with the entire social opposition to the designs of capital.

The "crisis situation" has produced an epochal defeat that has ancient roots, on
which it is essential to start reflecting; "the masses in motion" have been
cleverly contained and divided by the social pulverization and the re-emergence
of bourgeois hegemony over the whole of society; the "acting minority", i.e. the
more conscious components of our class, have been progressively dissolved.

What is missing today in productive realities, territories and mass movements is
the presence of an organized militant fabric capable of proposing and pursuing
objectives aimed at achieving a growing process of class unity in opposition to
the offensive of capital.

Consequently, starting from the realities of struggle and mobilization, it is
necessary to begin a capillary and tenacious work of mending that now dispersed
militant fabric which, in other phases of the conflict, was able to unify social
and class contents and behaviors to prevent their isolation and defeat. A mending
job that implies not only the recovery but above all the updating of the most
qualified contents of the history of our class, in order to start the
re-proposition in matters of theory, strategy and organization of that concrete
process which inevitably also refers to the most bright seasons of anarchist
communism: our history.

We must win again: to improve the living conditions of the lower classes weakened
by the crisis and exposed to the aggression of capital, to rekindle hope in the
struggle and weld the defense of the immediate interests of our class with the
pursuit of its historical interests of emancipation from the capitalist yoke, for
equality and for freedom.

https://www.veliber.org/archivio/IlCantiere/A3/cant_2023_14/files/cant_2023_14.pdf
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Italy, An update from Ventimiglia & call for support‏

the situation in Ventimiglia is as follows:

- high hundreds of refugees stuck on a newly securitised border
- opening of a new camp, run by the red cross
-mimicking of the strategy in Calais (the similarities are startling)
official humanitarian camp, internal deportations (including flying
people to Sardinia in a chartered jet), hardened border, pressure to
claim asylum in Italy
-conflation of migration and terrorism after the Nice attack
-strong repression of No Borders


three salient points

1) a tale of two camps

as the Red Cross camp opened it did not have room for everybody. so
somebody from the municipal government suggested that people stay in an
abandoned stable / railway platform next to the Red Cross center, as a
temporary measure. No Borders managed to move quickly and develop this
space into an autonomous camp, providing gas, cooking equipment, running
water, and a small infopoint, encouraging assemblies etc etc. we are
trying to brief people on asylum and the situation in france and uk when
they have just arrived in europe, to save on the hard slow learning
process. Now there are more people in the autonomous camp than the Red
Cross center as people do not trust the Red Cross and thier fenced
controlled space.
It is kind of fascinating, with two different camps, one humanitarian
controlled and closed, the other open and run jointly by europeans and
the refugees themselves, right next to each other. Personally i think
our autonomous camp is taking the red cross to the cleaners (they now
have capacity for 300 but only 60 are staying inside!) but also the red
cross are spending more energy on attacking us than on getting their
space running. they have called the police on us many times, sent their
arabic speaking workers to spy on us, stolen our cooking equipment, cut
the pipe between the burner and the gas bottle, and most recently cut
off our water supply

2) repression on activists

the repression here is quite strong at the moment. in the space of one
week, 1 person was arrested for helping people without papers move, 2
more have just been arrested for politically motivated drug busts. they
hand out something called fol de villa, which is an administrative
procedure which bans people from the area with no possibility for a
legal recourse. there are not many long time activists left without a
fol de villa. the anti repression effort is taking a lot of energy, as
people are having to go to lawyers and court cases (nothing new there)
also the police are currently opening an investigation into no borders
assisting people crossing the border here. there is also the usual
bullshit ID controls and visits to the police station

3) money situation

Ventimiglia No Borders is running out of money! the freespot (think PCF
in a garage), providing logistical support for the autonomous camp, lyca
sims, petrol etc etc etc is costing them a lot of money and they will
not be able to continue doing the many many projects that they are
currently doing for long.
Basically, in my opinion these guys are doing a lot right now, they are
on the hotspot of the border into france during high summer and for them
to be able to continue they need more funding.
love and rage from a sunny border




bank details:

FREESPOT (Banca ETICA)

IBAN code: IT49E03599018990501885

people here say spread it around. we are now providing almost ALL food
for the autonomous camp since the cops scared off the associations
_______________________________________________

Italy, anarresinfo: Roma in Turin between evictions, marches, occupations (it)

Italy, anarresinfo: Roma in Turin between evictions,
marches, occupations (it) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)

They arrived at dawn. Men and women in arms, armored vehicles, helicopters, bulldozers. An 
operation in a big way in what remains of the largest slums of Europe. ---- No one has 
been warned. The men in uniform entered the barracks and ordered to leave, regardless of
frightened children, strong arrogance of those who believe themselves superior, full of 
contempt for people that poverty marchia as inferior. ---- he men and women of the 
municipal dog pound catch the dogs. An elderly woman shows us the booklet of his dog, 
stolen and deported to the kennel. Men, women, in children worse than dogs. Few things are 
saved while the cops take cylinders and discharge in the air. We breathe the gas and 
racism, breathe the sour taste of indifference to those who can no longer light a tove, 
for whom this night will have no place to sleep. The town offers a shelter for children 
and mothers, nothing for men, elderly, disabled. They know that no one will agree to 
separate. Everyone is afraid that the municipality steal their children.

Many times this threat was enough to quell the revolt, to control anger.

When the bulldozers start the riot pushes all in there, inhabitants and solidarity realized.

ut this time it's all over between anger and resignation. Who was cleared out and who 
still has a cabin to sleep meets in assembly. Someone offers a hot coffee, the fog of 
October melts on a sunny day. He decides to leave the field. The police blocked the 
entrances , trying to prevent the move. But people will not let go. Eventually you go. The 
appointment is the office nomadic way Bologna. All they come and soon is occupied . There 
are about fifty people, who are no longer willing to bow their heads, who have decided to 
fight . ut appears a banner "Home for all! No to evictions and evictions. " Here comes the 
Digos and the riot. None resign. After over two hours of employment a new assembly decides 
to go out in procession . It goes via Bologna, the head smaller, shouting "do not split 
the field, we want our homes".

Two years ago there were over a thousand people to the field. A social powder keg that the 
council Turin was skilled at defusing. Five million euro assigned to the expert hands of a 
consortium of cooperatives and associations between promises and threats, illusions and 
violence have turned the area into a pile of rubble.

The administration Fassino was to vacate all, relying on the complicity of the evicted 
deluded by the mirage of a home that never arrived, dividing the submerged by the saved . 
The end nodes have come home to roost.

The cooperative Valdocco, leader of the project "The City can", carried out by the City of 
Turin, Prefecture, associations and cooperatives that have scores cake 5 millio i euros , 
announced in late September that the word would pass the bulldozers.

Actually the bulldozers "low intensity" have never stopped working in the slums, 
dismantled piece by piece , after the violent eviction of hundred people on Feb. 26.
In the summer the city police, the army and the Red Cross have monitored attendance at the 
camp, accompanying the bulldozers that felled the barracks who was deported "voluntarily" 
in Romania with the lure of 300 Euros. In the last year many other barracks were torn 
down, imposing to those who lived to "collaborate" to destruction, to demonstrate its will 
to "overcome" the field.

These have got in return a studio at 250 Euros per month , as the 13 displaced families in 
social housing to over Vigevano, owned by Ras attics George Molino, from which they will 
be evicted in late November.

The families "deserving" in homes, others deported to Romania or evicted. As if the 
"field" was a natural choice and not a necessity imposed by poverty, exploitation and 
discrimination. Homeless people in which it is applied arbitrarily abel "nomads" to 
justify the ghettoization.

The people who live (is) no cabins are immigrants from Romania in the last fifteen years. 
Almost all of them are Roma, almost all lived in houses, but here they can not pay rent. 
Building a cabin is not a choice but a necessity.

Later this year it will be over. Demolished slums, evictions, families on the street, the 
five million euro absorbed by the associations involved in the "city as possible." In 
addition to Valdocco, AIZO, Tierra del Fuego, Stranaidea, Free For All, Red Cross. The 
City of Turin has set up the project to carry out an eviction "silent", otherwise 
impractical with only the use of public force.

Two years after the start of the project, the goal is now clear to all: clear the field 
rom unauthorized largest in Europe, without offering any alternative housing.
Those who, like the family of Aramis, in late September had tried to go back to the 
barracks along the Stura, had faced policemen, who did not hesitate to use the stinging 
spray, pull guns, give up his fists, immobilize the ground and arrested. But something is 
moving . In May, hundreds of inhabitants of the slums Via Germagnano they have blocked yet 
another racist march in Milan barrier.

On October 12 the residents of shacks along Stura Lazio and those of social housing in 
course Vigevano took to the streets. They came from the slums of Lungo Stura Lazio, from 
social housing to over Vigevano and other "temporary accommodation" which are threatened 
with eviction. The march of struggle for the house, accompanied by Black Cat Red Cat and 
solidarity, took the streets of downtown to tell the biggest scam of the "city as possible."

The pathetic attempt of infiltration in the procession by AIZO was strongly rejected by 
their families under threat of eviction from social housing Corso Vigevano, managed by the 
association. Maurice Brown , the exponent of Fratelli d'Itala was greeted with anger and 
laughter, because the brave adviser anti-immigrants launched by the City flyers with bus 
times by Romania in Turin ...

"No to the eviction of Roma. Brown shit " , this inscription will appear three days later 
on the gate of the headquarters of "Brothers of Italy" in Via Rondissone.

Has spent time in the town, in front of the Prefecture and the RAI. Men, women and 
children took the floor , telling their stories of homeless immigrants, the difficulty of 
living by selling the best of bins, doing cleaning, minding our elderly. In every word 
there was the sour taste of those who live wrapped in a cloak of widespread racism, 
rooted, relentless, which suffocates you like a spider web . With dignity and courage, 
their lives hidden and denied have become the stars of a multi-voice, a strong narrative. 
The boys and girls have told of their desire to continue to attend the school , the fear 
of eviction, deportation. Each has reiterated that the house is a need for all and all, as 
well as health, education, freedom motion. They said clearly: the attempts of eviction and 
eviction will find them on the barricades . If the only response of the City is the social 
war , the procession of 12 October, employment office nomads and the subsequent march 
showed that enough is enough, that people of the shacks is determined to take hold of 
their own lives with strength and dignity. MM (an early version of this article will be 
released in the next issue of the weekly Humanity Nova)

http://anarresinfo.noblogs.org/2015/10/21/rom-a-torino-tra-sgomberi-cortei-occupazioni/

Italy, Libertarian Alternative FdCA Fano - TTIP STOP !!

 (en) Italy, Libertarian Alternative FdCA Fano - TTIP STOP !!
(ca, it) [machine translation]

The signing of the TPP (Trans-Pacific Partnership) between the US, Japan and other 10 

countries of the area (excluding China), which took place on October 5 centers one of the 
current goals of the international policy of the United States in terms of integration and 
commercial freedom to planetary level. ---- The second objective is the signature of Obama 
enthusiast TTIP (Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership) with the European Union 
to reduce tariff and regulatory barriers that may hinder the freedom of movement of goods 
and investment, overwhelming any legislation to protect common goods (natural resources) 
and activities of environmental, agricultural, health, energy, social (transport, 
communications, education), .... ---- Despite the enthusiasm of Europe can score a certain 
cooling (at least in the German government) following the clash over VolksWagen between
the US and Germany, negotiations on TTIP could make progress by incorporating one of the 
institutions foreseen by the TPP with extra-territorial powers.
It is the establishment of arbitration courts referred to Investor-State Settlement which 
includes magistrates business representatives, representatives of the judiciary and 
lawyers expert in international trade.

These courts will monitor and commineranno sanctions on any obstacle placed on the 
movement of goods and investments, focusing adjustment and subordination of the laws of 
individual countries to the interests of capitalist exploitation in all areas where 
dovessere be conflicts and conflicts between multinational and national interests .
Enforcement of this sanctioning power is already in use within the NAFTA (North American
Free Trade Agreement, the treaty between the US, Canada and Mexico stupulato in 1994), as 
in the case of the State of Quebec (Canada) brought to trial in early 2015 for having 
voted for a moratorium on the extraction of shale gas as dangerous and polluting!
Mutual convenience between the US, EU and individual European governments to sign the TTIP 
must still overcome a number of factors of opposition and contrast ranging from European
legislation gained so far in the field of the precautionary principle to national laws for 
the protection of goods, resources and local products.

The same movement STOP TTIP has grown strongly over the last two years until the recent
major event in Berlin.

The point is that we can not trust governments (think enthusiast undersecretary TTIP 
Calenda in the government Renzi) and magistrates representing the European states and the 
EU itself, directly involved in the protection of national and European (if not global as 
the FCA Marchionne) the illusion of being able to penetrate a slack US market in terms of 
prohibitions and precautions.

We must necessarily mobilize from below all our ability to dynamic contrast, complaints, 
counter-folk to fend off what promises to be another dictatorship economics and law on our 
lives after the austerity policies of the EU.
Wrong?

Italy Anarchists and libertarian communists in the CGIL #32 August 2015 - ATTACK ON WORKERS CONTINUES (it)

(en) Anarchists and libertarian communists in the CGIL #32
August 2015 - ATTACK ON WORKERS CONTINUES (it) [machine translation]

THAT AFTER THE INTRODUCTION OF THE JOBS ACT AND CANCELLATION article 18 BE PRIVATE OR OF 
THE RIGHT TO STRIKE. ---- "Put a stop to the protests held by minority acronyms that 
jeopardize the rights of the community in local public services. With strikes called by 
unions that have a degree of representation more than 50% or by referendum quote with 
thresholds of consensus between the workers concerned, (...) these are the guiding 
principles of the proposed law on strikes presented to the Senate. "(1 ) ---- So, after 
the clamor raised by the media to some episodes that had affected public services, was 
presented the parliamentary initiative brought forward by Senators Maurizio Sacconi and 
Pietro Ichino, both the majority of the government Renzi.

The episodes in question referred to the strike of flight personnel of Alitalia proclaimed 
by the trade union ANPAC, the situation created by time in company of the local public 
transport of Rome, and the now famous meeting of the staff of the "ruins of Pompeii, 
Herculaneum, etc... ". We would not go into the reasons of trade union and the validity of 
individual disputes, different, but it seems interesting to examine if briefly the facts 
and how they were presented in the press that he usually spoke of "wildcat strikes", 
"savage blockade ", and so on and so forth. In truth, even going out for a moment from the 
pack, anyone could see a reality that presents different aspects.
The strike of the personnel of Alitalia, which had been proclaimed by following all the 
rules laid down in sectoral agreements, had been deferred by the union ANPAC 14 to 24 July 
"in the hope that the ongoing negotiations (...) will lead to a positive resolution of the 
matter in place "(2). Subsequently, given the confirmation of the strike for July 24, the 
Guarantee Commission noted that prior to the strike dell'ANPAC it had been proclaimed 
another for July 14 from various unions in the airports of Venice and Bologna, and the 
rule the depletion objective that provides a minimum interval of 15 days between a strike 
and the other called on the union to exclude abstention all flights "to and from" the 
airports of Venice and Bologna. The invitation (in case of non-compliance would entail 
heavy penalties) was immediately welcomed by the union.

The dispute ATAC Rome is definitely more complex because it will interfere with the 
intricate and explosive situation crossed by the Capitoline and its impact on national 
policy. But even taking into account these aspects is clear that there are serious labor 
problems, exacerbated by heavy plus condition in which they are the drivers which you 
download the anger of many users because of inefficiency newspapers. The company points 
the finger at workers, highlighting them as the perpetrators of the chaos because of an 
alleged "white strike" in progress, and has also submitted a complaint to the Prosecutor 
for "the significant increase (...) the means which are considered unfit for service by 
drivers and train drivers and therefore do not perform the service "(3). In fact, between 
failures newspapers and about 300 buses which are out of service for lack of spare parts, 
it seems that the available means are about half of those who should circulate. The 
company thus seeks to offload its inefficiencies on workers and begins to use the iron 
fist by suspending those who denounce this situation, or taking disciplinary measures 
against those with schizophrenia as the driver who had traveled on the subway with the 
doors open and also against another driver which was not party because the convoy had... 
the doors open! But punishing workers who apply the regulations on the safety of 
circulating vehicles is to recognize that public services often work just eluding and not 
respecting their own such laws.

Finally the assembly staff of Pompeii called by some unions and invariably presented for a 
few days as "assembly sudden", "protest outside the rules", "Black Friday's World Heritage 
Site", "damage incalculable for Italy ", etc... A meeting which, as it emerged later (4), 
had been requested by the scheduled contract notice and registered with the 
Superintendency two days before it is held.

All "cases", then, amplified or artfully built on nothing but used by the government - and 
not only - to attack workers and trade unions, in this case regardless of initials. An 
attack then decreased in intensity especially because of the serious disruptions that have 
affected the transport sector starting with the ongoing deadlock at the Fiumicino airport 
with thousands of travelers in disarray: it is true that employers / government / fake 
opposition have, to put it politely , a large face of bronze, but in this case also their 
shamelessness must have had a limit!

To Fiumicino, preceded in May by the major fire at a terminal, however, it is only the 
striking example of an uninterrupted series of poor whose cause is to be charged mainly to 
the cuts faced by all public services. Staying in the transport sector this hot summer to 
now has given hundreds of commuter trains with air conditioning failures and thousands of 
travelers gasping with the windows locked doors malfunctioning even on new trains to the 
point that one of them has literally flown away (and is not the first time), the Roman 
underground trains traveling with defective doors or even open... The hysterical 
references to the "right to mobility", elevated during any strike, have been and are the 
fig leaf of all governments to try to hide their responsibility for the situation due to 
public spending cuts and corruption inherent in this system you eat enormous resources.
Let us have no illusions. The attack on the right to strike, which in time will cover not 
only public services, will resume soon and with intensity because the bosses need a 
greater and greater control over the working class; and then, as they say, the appetite 
comes with eating. And of appetite, after the introduction of the Jobs Act and the 
deletion of Article 18, the employers has long and growing, and this seems a favorable 
moment to cancel the contracts in fact National Work and harness more and more workers 
with more limits on the ability to strike.

In the public services the limitations in the strike are already many, and not always the 
workers of other sectors are aware; then we try to make an example of a situation that 
occurs with frequency. In a company of travelers transport is a matter or an agreement is 
violated and the RSU / RSA calls a meeting to solve the problem, but is ignored; at this 
point it can not do is write to the company by opening the so-called cooling procedures, 
communicate them also to the "Guarantees Commission" on strikes. The opening of the 
cooling procedures should automatically block the company's initiative to the meeting 
scheduled to be held within a set time, but the terms of the notice of meeting are not 
always respected; it is necessary to stress that in the meantime the company will continue 
to do whatever it wants, as it will be useless by the union to report such behavior to the 
Guarantee Commission. If the company does not convene the meeting request, or in the event 
of disagreement if convened, the RSU / RSA can finally announce a first strike for up to 
eight hours within a defined time period, account being taken of the industrial action 
already proclaimed with a distance tot days (10/15) before and after the national / 
regional in their industry or other transport if they fall in the same locality. All this 
net of deductible periods where you can not go on strike (which we expect to be expanded 
in view of the Jubilee), and without considering that at the end of this obstacle course 
can always intervene Minister or the Prefecture delaying the strike to other date. So the 
strike, as action against a company initiative, can be implemented even two or three 
months after the initiative itself in the meantime will remain in place. We add that in 
many cases the information provided on how to implement the strike, the company must give 
the public, it comes late and poorly damaging both users and workers.

Now this gimmick you would like to add additional constraints, and about there are already 
some proposals that collect cross-party consensus among parliamentarians. Maurizio Sacconi 
has in fact filed with the Commission work of a Senate delegation DDL Transport which 
provides for the declaration of a strike by unions in the sector have a degree of 
representation more than 50%, or otherwise a referendum provided that the abbreviations I 
announce in the sector have more than 20% of representativeness and that there is a 
favorable vote of 30% of the employees concerned. It 'also provided that contracts be 
introduced membership prior to the strike by the individual worker; so it would increase 
the power of blackmail by the company, in addition to its ability to organize the work 
well in advance. As to the proposed Pietro Ichino, on public transport, as this identifies 
requirements to call a strike in a company the majority of the union representation, 
calculated with the criteria of inter-confederation agreements, or a referendum among the 
workers concerned.

The response to all this has been weak or even non-existent by the CGIL and even, as in 
the case of CISL and UIL, there have been some openings to the disastrous parliamentary 
proposals. We do not be surprised if there were union leaders who hope, albeit not openly, 
the legislative route can contribute to put under control a difficult sector such as 
transport; Wherefore, though shameful, it might work for a while but does not take into 
account the tensions bound to increase with the growth of restructuring in transport and 
with the worsening of working conditions and life of the work force. And this not only in 
Italy but also in other European countries and in Germany itself, where there has been 
strong growth of strikes in the railways and airline personnel.

Only a strong and decisive response union may reject the initiatives that, if implemented, 
would weaken even more the possibility of resistance of transport workers and would open 
the way to further narrow in the regulation of other sectors, to the coveted goal of the 
employers to harness much Also across the private sector manufacturing.

Defense Auditors

Notes
1) "Coming close on strikes" by G. Pogliotti "Il Sole 24 Ore" 28/7/15.
2) Letter of 7/10/15 dell'ANPAC deferment of the strike on 07/14/15.

3) "conscripted drivers ATAC, investigate the PM" Il Sole 24 Ore of 07/28/15.
4) Documentation published in "The Daily" of 07.28.15.

Defense union 32 See the email on the webhttp://r.ag.d.mailin.fr/v49pz633f.html

Italy Anarchists and libertarian communists in the CGIL #32 - THE LEFT OF CLASS IN CGIL: DEVELOPMENT, CURRENT SITUATION, PROSPECTS. -- Mario Salvadori * (it)

Anarchists and libertarian communists in the CGIL #32 - THE
LEFT OF CLASS IN CGIL: DEVELOPMENT, CURRENT SITUATION, PROSPECTS.
-- Mario Salvadori * (it) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)

Since its establishment, the CGIL has been characterized as a moderate and reformist trade 
union that has always had within it a sector class - generically identified as trade union 
left - that was expressed over the years in various forms and ways. The choice of the CGIL 
to structure itself in components, which mainly were referring to the largest parties in 
the first republican parliament, provoked the emergence of classist positions with trade 
unionists and activists subjected to the logic of belonging and deployment. Only a few 
escaped to this minority population as that of anarchists and libertarians who were 
organized in "defense committees of trade union", a present experience in the realities of 
the north central but too weak in terms of organizational framework and which also 
suffered the theoretical uncertainties and strategic in the anarchist movement (1).

Even after the split of 1948, which led to the exit from the CGIL components Democrat, 
Social Democrat, Republican, the political and organizational reference to the Communist 
Party and the Socialist of most managers, executives, activists, helped to compress and 
hinder the emergence of the components of the class that they could find their own space, 
with the development of a genuinely independent trade union, thus breaking the "conveyor 
belt" which only served to subordinate the interests of workers at the inter-parliamentary 
political framework. Pure 60s the situation did not undergo changes even though next to 
the Communist and Socialist members - who were responsible for the appointment of union 
leaders at rates well defined - it was adding another minority who gathered mainly those 
trade unionists who were referring to PSIUP the party that emerged after the split of the 
PSI by those socialists who denied the entry into the first center-left government with 
the Christian Democrats.

The Union of Councils.

This organizational situation, that seemed immutable, instead began to suffer a strong 
shock from the changes in the meantime intervened in society, in the factories, in the 
mode of production, changes pieces, and recomposed the class in new forms that often 
escaped totally unions. And 'the large and growing wave triggered by two years of 
struggles of 1968-69, with the emergence of the mass worker in the large factories in 
northern Italy, often immigrants from the south, and with many incidents of 
insubordination and rebellion managed directly by the workers and their natural leaders 
emerged from the struggles.

Old Boards Internal present in factories, in which among other things had not recognized 
the power of bargaining, lost meaning; in their place, starting with the large engineering 
companies, it emerged strongly the reality of factory councils which gathered delegates 
elected on a white card regardless of whether or not a trade union (all voters, all 
eligible). This climate of change and great effervescence did not stay long confined in 
large factories but soon passed to many small production companies and large sectors of 
public employment, education, transport, facilitated by the introduction of the "Workers' 
Statute "which provided for the right of assembly, of posting in the workplace, etc...

The impact on the trade unions of these great changes was swift and, despite much 
resistance, the councils were recognized as a basic structure with bargaining power in the 
workplace. It 's the season of the "Union of Councils" that, at least in the early 70s, he 
saw a great development of these facilities; a choice that was not determined only by the 
will of the trade union summit to "ride the tiger" in its ascending phase (idea certainly 
present in many executives) but that it was also imposed by the big fights and the 
leadership worker. All this, as you can imagine, with constant contradictions between the 
delegates expressed by workers and a union bureaucracy always ready to take every 
opportunity to regain political space inside and outside the union.
This was true for all categories, but much less in that of Iron where the struggles were 
most intense and where they were born the first factory councils. The metalworkers' unions 
went too far ahead on the unified plan and while the confederations formed in 1973 the 
United Federation CGIL, CISL and UIL, instead of the expected organic unity, formed the 
FLM (Federation of Metalworkers) also opening offices and promoting shared a single 
membership. This situation of FIOM which was organized externally with other metalworkers 
'unions took away a bit' of energy to spread the left trade union CGIL, but at the same 
time helped to strengthen it in the other unions (especially in the FIM-CISL, which for 
years saw a strong presence, Milan in particular, a trade union left that drew the Councils).

The CGIL, as regards its internal structure, however, continued to be based on the three 
components which referred to the respective parties of the left; even when the PSIUP 
decided to disband after the electoral defeat of 1972, which excluded him from the 
Parliament, and it joins largely in PCI, there were no substantial changes. Part of the 
trade unionists who had referred to the PSIUP, together with other independent, it 
continued to "occupy" the political space and organizational previous forming the 
so-called "third part", an expression of the trade union left closer to the experience of 
the Councils to which they referred. But these union members, present at all levels in the 
secretariats confederations and categorical, were well placed in the trade union 
bureaucracy and largely came from the crucible of the struggle of the Board; their action 
remained so ever in the political dynamics and internal organizational union slipping over 
time on more moderate positions that led to a gradual loss of support in their area of 
influence, even accepting the union took place in the Conference decided that the EUR 
sanctioned that the wage was not an independent variable in a market economic system. The 
third component thus continued to scrape a living for the '80s, more and more 
self-referential, bureaucratized, opportunist, to take sides in favor of the income policy 
and the cancellation of the escalator in the early 90s.

The attack on the escalator and "Autoconvocate".

But back in the political space left uncovered by the Third Component that after the turn 
of the EUR he found it hard to be busy. Once again they were externally imposed deadlines 
set in motion significant energy; the spark popped following the agreement signed February 
14, 1984 by the CISL and the UIL with the government led by the socialist Bettino Craxi, 
who with the predetermination of inflation cut four points contingency escalator. Actually 
this agreement was preceded, a year earlier, by another which had been signed by the CGIL 
well with the government led by Christian Democrat Amintore Fanfani; The agreement, which 
intervened on the increases of the escalator, had caused great friction in the 
Confederation of Italian course. They 'clear that the mobilization subsequent to the 1984 
agreement were interwoven with political motivations to the real needs of the workers 
suffered the consequences.

The reaction to the cut point escalator was extended and immediate and a new generation of 
directors, along with those who survived the restructuring that had invested many 
companies at the turn of the '70s and' 80s, led an intense mobilization: the brief was 
season of the so-called "Autoconvocate" because the strikes and demonstrations were 
organized largely by the delegates. One consequence of this situation was the end of the 
already weakened Unitary Union Federation CGIL, CISL and UIL. The CGIL, with its majority 
component communist, then leaned so interested mobilization then decided to "put the hat" 
and to end it by calling a national demonstration in Rome on 24 March 1984; the show was 
great but, paradoxically, marked the end of the movement because the clash was transferred 
to the parliamentary level.


From "Democracy Council Chamber" to "Alternative Auditors".

But the movement, and his sudden conclusion determined by choices that had nothing to do 
with the interests of the workers, had convinced some of the delegates "Autoconvocate" 
that it was necessary to organize in CGIL overcoming bureaucratic and sclerotic 
traditional components, referring instead to those Councils that slowly had been set aside 
by the union. So, shortly after the end of the protest, a hundred delegates gathered at 
Ariccia and having extended contacts in the territories and in the categories formalized 
the creation of a fourth component that took the name of "Democracy Council Chamber." The 
component consisted mainly of delegates and workers which referred to proletarian 
democracy - the little party that was formed by the union of some formations of the far 
left - but he also saw the presence of other comrades totally foreign to this political 
experience. In any case, beyond some exaggerations, Democracy Council Chamber never became 
a member "party" within the CGIL; the rest could not become so if not contradicting 
herself because she was born to overcome partisan components, drawing on the experience of 
factory councils and occupying the political space that had been vacated by the Third 
Component.

Democracy Council Chamber participated well in the Congress of the CGIL, in 1986, 
presenting many amendments to the thesis conference and failing to elect groups of 
comrades in various Steering Committees confederations and categorical. But, while 
favoring the intervention in companies and appearing in a different way from traditional 
components, its weight was limited and was able to attract only a fraction of those 
challenging the political line and followed by the CGIL union.

Meanwhile loomed large national and international events whose scope could not but have an 
impact in the union; the collapse of the state capitalist regimes in Eastern Europe, the 
crisis of communism, the end of the PCI, led to the dissolution of the communist component 
- determined by the Secretary Bruno Trentin - which was followed by the socialist and the 
remnants of the Third Component. Democracy Council Chamber, as we have seen with another 
idea was born, he went on his way, but his project took off and remained confined in a 
dimension very minority. So it was that the representatives of Democracy Council Chamber, 
instead of trapped in their own niche, sought to intercept and confront the varied class 
left that now showed openly after the dissolution of the components partisan. From this 
comparison, with "Charter '90 for a CGIL struggle and democratic" and with other groups of 
leaders and delegates, there was a re-consolidation of the trade union left in "Being 
Syndicate" in 1991 he presented to the Congress of the CGIL an alternative document to 
that the majority of members of the General Council; and it was the first time that this 
happened.

Be 'Union had not constituted as a component linked to a party (it was indeed quite mixed 
in the political references of trade unionists and delegates adhering to them), but as a 
cross-sectional area to the various categories and on joining a program, taking up so much 
of the 'organizational experience of Democracy Council Chamber. Assemblies congressional 
base, which determined the percentages of adhesion to the documents and therefore the 
outcome of the Congress and the next composition of the National Executive Committee, saw 
a good result to be syndicate which obtained 17% of votes at its arguments.
But a few months after the conclusion of the Congress, while the parties that had ruled 
for decades were swept away by the story of "Clean Hands", the CGIL was again in the storm 
after the signing of the Agreement of July 1992 put an end to the escalator and gave the 
go-to that income policy then enshrined in the famous agreement of 23 July 1993 on the 
negotiation and consultation. It began in this way, through heavy measures one-way, a 
policy that would lead to the displacement of large shares of income from workers - who 
were charged the partial fiscal consolidation - in favor of the bourgeoisie.
Faced with this scenario the area of Being Union reacted by distancing themselves from 
agreements on the escalator and on incomes policy and questioning the financial mega 
launched by the Amato government; but the presence in it of managers which referred to the 
"left" of the PDS - the Communist Refoundation party born along with the ashes of the PCI 
- and ambiguous positions of the same Communist Refoundation, which then led to the 
tensions erupted into a crisis more accentuated the political project.

From this crisis the next class came before the National Congress of 1996, riaggregandosi 
in "Alternative Auditors" whose programmatic basis for claiming a CGIL struggle and 
democratic and strongly criticized the policy of wage sacrifices imposed on workers 
demanding an end to the policy income and consultation. Alternatively Auditors presented 
to Congress its own document and, despite the return to majority led by Secretary Sergio 
Cofferati of part of the trade unionists of being dissolved union, after a tough battle in 
the assemblies of the base obtained more than 11% of the vote that considering the poor 
presence in the Pensioners' Union and in the South meant a much higher percentage in major 
categories and territories. This despite the presence of a third conference document, 
called "Dear CGIL," which addressed the trade union left mildly criticizing the choices of 
the majority and who picked up a mere 1% of the vote, further proof that in that space 
there was political place for one area unless you want to be relegated to the margins. At 
the end of the congress the good results obtained by the alternative document took the 
entrance in the National Secretariat of Gian Paolo Patta, coordinator of Alternative Auditors.

But the troubled path of the next class was certainly not finished and, after the 
Congress, the political maneuvers of Bertinotti brought exiting Alternative Auditors of 
the comrades of the Communist Refoundation which sought to establish an "Area of the 
Communists" linked to party; incidentally this aggregation, to recreate a situation 
organizational outdated, never took off and survived with difficulty until the next 
Congress of the CGIL. Many trade unionists of the PRC remained instead in Alternative 
Auditors where, despite the partisan divisions, continued to live together militants of 
various political parties.

The years of "Labour Society" and the FIOM.

The following years, which saw the ruling center-left, brought new contradictions in the 
CGIL determined by the effects of income policy, the introduction of forms of insecurity 
in working with the so-called "Treu package", by war and NATO bombing in the former 
Yugoslavia. So Alternative Auditors, the approach of the XIV Congress of the CGIL, was 
once again a convergence with the "area of the Communists" and other companions as Giorgio 
Cremaschi; the new area that grouped the trade union left was named "Work Society - 
Changing Course" and presented a paper alternative to that of the majority of Sergio 
Cofferati.

But while Congress was in full swing he developed a violent attack on workers by the new 
Berlusconi government that, by agreeing with CISL and UIL, aimed to isolate and strike the 
same CGIL. This changed the nature of the congress under way with a re-consolidation of 
the various souls of the union, under the leadership of Sergio Cofferati, replied with a 
long and successful struggle to maneuver Berlusconi tended Cancellation art. 18 of the 
Statute of Workers. Everything was also favored by the agreement between the majority and 
minority, to new internal rules that filled the vacuum left by the dissolution of the 
components partisan and that introduced the recognition of the "congress program areas" in 
the event of their establishment in the governing bodies. Despite the conclusion of the 
Congress unified the area of Work Society, soon after, he saw again the release of a group 
of Communist Refoundation near Bertinotti who appeared under the name of "Here" means a 
group, this, that obviously had used Work now only as a means to overcome the obstacle 
conference, but that did not succeed nor formalized as programmatic area nor to affect the 
union, concluding then his political career.

The next Congress

The next Congress was held in 2006 near the end of the legislature who had seen the ruling 
center-right Berlusconi, and the CGIL openly supported the candidacy of Romano Prodi and 
then his government, while Labour Society was to criticize the choices until the 
sensational regional event in Florence on September 29, 2007 made following the agreement 
on pensions. The CGIL had presented Congress with a joint document, on which all souls 
were merged union, differing only then for some theses alternatives.

Admittedly, not all agreed on this document and Giorgio Cremaschi, secretary of FIOM, he 
promoted an initiative for an alternative document but unable to find the number of 
signatures needed to present it. Following those still living area of minority called 
"Network on April 28", this a bit 'in all categories except FIOM where the various program 
areas Congress have always had a hard time.

Already, the legendary FIOM, the category benchmark for the political left and trade union 
and Italian focal point for building a strong left class in and out of the CGIL, and that 
has always been the spearhead of the struggle especially after the development It had by 
the automotive industry in the 60s. His leadership, however, not always had been the head 
of the claims most innovative of the working class; An example, without going too far 
back, there is hot autumn of '69 when the egalitarian thrust was imposed by the workers' 
struggles of the union then led by Bruno Trentin. And even after the FIOM, it is having 
been at least until the second half of the 80s a category capable of directing the CGIL, 
is a stranger to political choices as that of the EUR from which he received his pursuit 
of that interest that developed national then wage moderation, incomes policy and 
compression of workers' rights which in later years would have profoundly marked the 
orientation of the leading groups of the CGIL weakening the trade union movement against 
the advance of capitalist restructuring. In the late 90's was the Secretary Claudio 
Sabattini to give that took place then was realized with the participation of the union of 
mechanics, in 2001, the Genoa Social Forum; subsequently the Secretaries Gianni Rinaldini, 
but especially Maurizio Landini, have increasingly imposed the FIOM general attention not 
only as a union of struggle but also as a point of reference outside the factory. And 
this, as you know, has generated a series of frictions and clashes with the majority that 
rules the CGIL.

See the FIOM as a whole, however, it is a simplification; it is true that Maurizio Landini 
is supported by most of his union, FIOM but there are also areas closer to the majority 
confederal. As for the relations in the trade union left it is important to note the 
difference between the conception of the FIOM, which favors alliances between categories, 
and that of Alternative Auditors and then Work Company believes that requires the presence 
of an area programmatic cross categories to safeguard the confederal union. Not cheap; so 
much so that, despite the common position in the next class, these differences have 
prevented - at least until now - to create an area that would have a considerable 
political weight within the CGIL.

The next class divides and weakens.

The same differences were the basis of failure to submit a joint document and opposing 
choices with which the left of the class went to the Congress of 2010; Work on the one 
hand that the Company decided to support the document presented by Epifani, becoming part 
of the majority while maintaining their own area, and across the bulk of the FIOM which 
also showed a document signed by the Secretaries of Public Administration, the FISAC ( the 
Federation of credit), and some leaders from the majority of Epifani. The Congress, and 
this decomposition / recomposition, was not positive for the next class because the 
divisions deepened without the document alternative arrangements achieved the desired 
results, rather suffering a stinging defeat in the Civil Service and Fisac. After the 
Congress Working Society was, in fact, politically increasingly flattened on the positions 
of the majority, while the companions of the alternative document had to take note of the 
need to build up the area to be recognized and access conformity with union; Thus was born 
the programmatic area "The CGIL we want", with coordinator Gianni Rinaldini, which 
supported primarily by the FIOM was unable to occupy all the space of the next class and 
gradually lost more and more bite. Even the "Network on April 28", initially made with 
"The CGIL we want," shooting its way into controversy with the choices of Rinaldini and 
companions.

In the following years the new secretary Susanna Camusso, happened to Epifani, it has 
moved on to a policy totally inadequate to counter the attack that was brought to the 
workers by the various governments; regarding internal reflections on the trade union 
left, especially with the inter-confederal agreement of 28 June 2011, it has exacerbated 
the already strong contradictions. Despite this situation the last Congress, in 2014, was 
faced with a joint document which collected the majority "camussiana" FIOM Maurizio 
Landini, the programmatic area Jobs Companies represented in the National Secretariat by 
Nicola Nicolosi, and what was left of never took off programmatic area "The CGIL we want", 
which together accounted for almost all of the organization (excluding the area 
represented by Giorgio Cremaschi who had presented a document congressional alternative).

But "this is balanced with difficulty had been broken, in the Congress, both on the 
representation agreement signed on January 10 by Susanna Camusso with CISL, UIL, 
Confindustria, is evident from the will of the majority to boycott the vote in the 
assemblies of the base provided for in Regulation on the amendments to the conference 
document. The amendments on security, bargaining, democracy, signed and supported by 
Nicolosi Landini Pantaleo Moccia and others, have been a disruptive element not only among 
the signatories of the document but also a majority within the diverse "trade union left" 
in this confederation. The tension in the CGIL was then already evident during the course 
of the meetings of the base, but it's definitely exploded in regional conferences and 
national confederations of the categories that preceded the national confederation, which 
took place in Rimini. The area "Labour Society", in turn, began to split on the outcome of 
amendments, on the assembly of the RSU Autoconvocate against the pension reform of 
Fornero, the political assessment of the agreement of 10 January; some in Congress, 
although for different reasons, were presented lists alternative sanctioning de facto 
division of the area.

Finally, the National Congress of the CGIL were rated three documents, three lists for the 
election of the members of the new Executive Committee: a list which he saw as the 
petitioner, the Secretary Camusso, which collected and also the majority of the delegates 
of "Working Company "at the congress; another with the FIOM of Landini and that collected 
even a minority of delegates from Labour Company; a third of the opposition which referred 
to Cremaschi. "(2)

These lists of trade union left were later formalized in the National Steering Committee 
of the CGIL with the establishment of the area of "Democracy and Work" (with 17 
components, including Gianni Rinaldini and Nicola Nicolosi, but Maurizio Landini...), and 
that "The union is another thing - CGIL opposition" heir of the former network on April 28 
(with 4 components).

Congress team Company came out literally in pieces, though four members of the National 
Executive decided to continue the road taken by formalizing the area "Work Company, trade 
union left majority congress" with a political position within the majority "camussiana".
Meanwhile Democracy and Labor sluggish perhaps for the persistence of old problems, we do 
not know if and how can they be overcome, arising from different political and 
organizational setting of the comrades who are part.

Not only. In Tuscany, where Jobs Company has always had a major settlement and 
articulated, the other boys and girls that you were referring were broadly their 
compactness and synthesized their political positions in the "Surf the seas" which has 
since been signed also by leaders of the CGIL Toscana that were not part of the 
programmatic. (3)

Finally let's not forget the presence and importance of "social coalition" proposal by 
Maurizio Landini, which is obviously programmatic area of the CGIL, but he does discuss - 
and - also within the confederation. Coalition social, attracting dozens of associations 
and movements, look more or less affected all our program areas of the CGIL that we saw so 
divided...

The outlook and the need to reunify the next class in the CGIL.

We can say, still recovering our previous article, that the coexistence of these program 
areas "presents strong challenges because, although the CGIL inside a" trade union left 
"that we can put around 20% (but with a higher percentage among occupied), the largest 
branch network and categorical confederation only strong area can be truly representative 
in this political space. If this is true the possibility of a re-composition of the next 
class in the CGIL might be at present even more difficult, because of the real risk of a 
competition that would only favor the neo-corporative involution of the confederation and 
of a union focused mainly on service.

We anarchist and libertarian communist CGIL present in the safeguarding of organizational 
strength, mobilization, fighting union is fundamental, but for this you need to take a 
clear path in the autonomy and the policy of the confederation. The current one is one of 
the darkest periods of recent decades, both for the economic crisis that is marking in the 
deep life of many workers, both because it failed confidence in the future for the new 
generations that have a perspective of minor protection and guarantees than earlier. We 
believe it is necessary to be aware of the severe defeat suffered in recent years, a 
defeat prepared by a long period of internalization of values of the capital ". (2)
A defeat which materialized, after the Reformation social security of Fornero, with the 
serious measures taken by the Government through the Jobs Act Renzi that erases 
fundamental articles of the Workers' Statute, and that it tries to carry through with the 
attack on the National Contracts Labor and the same right to strike.

"In this scenario, the CGIL, nevertheless, maintains its organizational strength and - 
albeit with considerable contradictions - a position in society that assigns a profile and 
a role that no longer have other large organizations that refer to the history of the 
movement workers; but this positioning, together with the difficulties resulting from the 
crisis and the subordination of the parliamentary political framework, promotes a line 
uncertain and defeatist clearly felt by workers.

We believe, then, that the gravity of the situation, there is the need and conditions for 
a concrete action of the next class within the CGIL. The reconstruction of an area class 
within the CGIL today appears even more urgent since the consolidation of a strong pole 
moderate making center in the Democratic Party. (...) We are aware of the difficulties in 
which you put the daily action of the CGIL, but we are equally aware that the strength of 
our organization will still defend the workers if there is no adherence to new projects 
and unfortunate "salvation and responsibility National ". Today, because we have many 
years of continuous regression of the condition of the work, we need greater protection 
and higher wages.

We anarchist communists, and libertarians have always been a cornerstone of class unity 
essential to our action, and we struggle against fictitious divisions or dictated by 
ambitions policies or personal. For this we are useful to any initiative that may 
contribute to the reorganization of the components of the class within the CGIL, now even 
more necessary and urgent, going beyond the camps and divisions already present in the 
past but which spiraled in the last Congress.

We realize that, now, all of this is even more difficult, but we believe this is the only 
way. Our contribution at this stage want to look at the contents of the choices union to 
do than to drive organizational positioning, aware that the union could become a 
battleground of the political, and that the components of the class to play a positive 
role should Starting with intransigence by the needs of workers and try to reconstruct a 
new unit and class identity in CGIL ". (2)
* Executive CGIL Lucca

Notes

1 "Defense Auditors - The anarchist component in genrale Italian Confederation of 
Labour (1944-1960)". Thesis Roberto Manfredini. University of Bologna. Academic year 1986/87.
2 "When the Congress is necessary to reorganize the next class in the CGIL" Defense of 
Auditors No. June 25, 2014.
3 "Surfing offshore..... no compass is dangerous" Carmine Valente. No defense Auditors. 
February 29, 2015.

Also we enclose the following documents:

1 Document "Democracy and Work".
2 Paper presented at the end of the XVII Congress CGIL from "The Union is another thing."
3 Document "Labour Society, Left union congressional majority."