Greece, Athens, November 21: solidarity march with refugees and immigrants

Poster-called anarchist collective Vogliamo tutto e per tutti for a demonstration in 
solidarity with refugees and immigrants on Saturday, 21 November of in Athens. ---- In the 
capitalist periphery ... ---- The Middle East and Africa are the fields that unfold all 
intercapitalistas antagonisms between the powerful capitalist centers (mainly the United 
States, Russia and European Union) in order to achieve economic exploitation, control and 
enforcement (of his will ). Economic and military interventions, authoritarian-puppet 
regimes, incitement to fanaticism and support of religious fundamentalists (EI) comprise a 
permanent destabilization system. The relentless war that is leaving behind a million 
deaths and devastated cities, the economic bleeding and the looting of people and nature, 
generate huge waves of immigrants and refugees in search of survival of the 
offensive-ruthless (attack) of capitalism .

In the bloody borders of Europe-Fortaleza ...

On the borders of Fortress Europe-what's going on to the second part of the war. Fences, 
military engines (Frontex), police and port authorities, immigrant smugglers, minefields, 
detention centers (concentration camps) and the conditions of Dublin make up the true face 
of sovereignty. Crocodile tears and the mask of charity officials and the bourgeoisie 
should not deceive us (in disorient): The State, the transnational power of the mechanisms 
and the local economic elite and international, are responsible for forced displacement, 
looting and death of millions of people.

We will organize our internationalist and class solidarity, we mount the barricades 
against the cannibals and racist ideas. We will overthrow capitalism and will build a 
world without borders and states. Common struggles of all the exploited and oppressed for 
a world of equality, freedom and solidarity.

Demonstration and march: Saturday, November 21, 2015, Victoria Square, Athens, at 12pm.

Anarchist collective Vogliamo tutto e per tutti

The Greek text:

https://vogliamotutto.espiv.net/index.php/8-2013-07-22-09-52-27/213-2015-11-07-12-04-31

The text in Spanish:

http://verba-volant.info/es/atenas-21-de-noviembre-marcha-en-solidaridad-con-los-refugiados-y-los-inmigrantes/#more-10551

anarchists-ana news agency

a cotton tuft
floating in the water
a cloud

Rogerio Martins

Greece, Athens, maurokokkino1936 "Black & Red": Draft Statute of Anarchist Organization Policy - Founding Congress 7-8 November (gr)

 (en) Greece, Athens, maurokokkino1936 "Black & Red": Draft
Statute of Anarchist Organization Policy - Founding Congress 7-8
November (gr) [machine translation]

Contents ---- Political A.P.O. call in the founding congress . 3 ---- DRAFT STATUTE . 9 
---- PRINCIPLES ---- 1. Who we are . 9 ---- 2. Against what we fight . 10 ---- 3. What 
society we want and based on what value framework . 11 ---- LOCATIONS ---- 1. Exploitation 
of the working class struggles. 12 ---- 2. Social Games . 12 ---- 3. Immigration - Racism 
. 13 ---- 4. Fascism - Nazism . 14 ---- 5. Patriarchy - Gender discrimination . 15 ---- 6. 
Social distinctions . 16 ---- 7. misery - social cannibalism . 17 ---- 8. Culture - 
Culture . 18 ---- 9. Issues repression, prisons, incarceration, ---- solidarity with 
imprisoned fighters ---- a. Suppress. 19 ---- b. Prisons - Encapsulation. 20 ---- c. 
Solidarity to imprisoned fighters. 21 --- 10. Relations with the media. 22 ---11. 
Relationship with the institutions and break with reformism. 23 -- 12. Financing - 
financial independence . 24

GOALS

Strategic goals

1. Create libertarian, revolutionary, class movement . 25
2. Social revolution . 25

Statutory objectives

1. Strengthening and upgrading the kinematic processes, of class, social and political 
collectives . 26
2. Distinct presence and clear position in the games . 26
3. Analysis-processing theoretical issues . 26
4. Exchange of experience-information . 27
5. Counter . 27
6. Coordination of solidarity groups involved in APO . 27
7. Relations with feeding structures, housing, medical care. 28
8. Organisation of self-defense movement. 28
9. Interconnection with organizations and shapes
in Europe and worldwide. 29
10. Create anarchist revolutionary program. 30
STRUCTURE - MODES
A. How decisions Anarchist Aviation Organization (APO)
A'1. Authorities . 31
A2. Strategy . 31
A3. Places. 31
A4. Ordinary. 31
II. Involvement of collectives
B1. How integration groups. 32
B2. How to leaving groups. 32
B3. Procedure dismissal groups. 33
B4. Autonomy groups. 34
III. Instruments
C1. Congress . 34
C2. Conference . 35
C3. Permanent body. 35
C4. Local resonances. 37
C5. Work groups . 37
C6. Domains. 37
C7. Special theme groups. . 38

Update in view of the founding congress of A.P.O. . 39

- 3 -

POLITICAL CALL IN FOUNDING CONFERENCE

ANARCHIKIS OF POLITICAL ORGANIZATION

Two and a half years after the filing of the nationwide Outside the
prospect of Policy Anarchist Organization of four
anarchist collectives of Athens ("Circle of Fire", "Anti Stage
pnoia "," On the way "," Anarchists for Social Liberation "), the procedure
dures of the pre-conference dialogue were finalized.
The original call was accompanied by a number of collectives competi-
pokrithikan and which are committed for a political framework like this
reflected in seven key points. The acceptance of these points was
and the requirement to participate in the conformation process followed a
Theseus:
A. The call is addressed to anarchist groups (rather than indi-
MA) operated libertarian procedures, placed in total
on the issues of exploitation and oppression, referred
protagmatika social revolution and managed openly
against state and capital.
B. It addresses anarchist collectives perceive
class dimension of the fight exclusion from the ranks of those who
draw goodwill in physical terms.
C. The anarchist political organization should be built on common po-
cies perceptions and the more comprehensive agreements possible to
can scratch long struggle strategies. Creating a
organization-crowned anarchist 'space' is not something that epithy-
mummies. The anarchist political organization we seek is part of
wider anarchist / anti-authoritarian movement, works in internal
ic and interacts with it.
D. The anarchist political organization should not interfere with continuity and
Therefore the central political arena.
E. The anarchist political organization will be moving in the direction of
development of an emancipated and organized social and class
movement with which it interacts an organized anarchist movement.
- 4 -
F. The anarchist political organization should establish positions to
You can create an anarchist program which is the
link between the daily struggle and the final vision
anarchy and communism.
Z. The proposal for anarchist political organization does not aim to reduce
autonomy groups and does not promote the logic of the self-dissolution
in a mass-type organization. In contrast, the anarchist collective will
They should be the cell of anarchist organization.
In all this time, most of the syllogiko-
ties involved in procedures nationwide, submitted their written
their attitudes about the principles, positions, targeting (tactics and strat-
gies) and how the organizational project. On
this political material held eight meetings nationwide
which sought to record an initial framework agreements and
determination methodology through which it would create a while
the most coherent political field over possible in which consisted
the anarchist Political Organization. Moreover, the aim was to determine and
the procedure to be followed by the pre-session debate and Direc-
tastes the founding congress.
Through a newfound fermentation experience and interaction processing
DS anarchist collectives and even nationwide, on
a number of issues, conquered largely knowledge for places
and the targeting of each collectivity, about the experiences through
participation in social and class struggles, perceptions
submitted to them and the direction to be taken by the anarchist
political struggle with skyline social revolution. Deepened the Contracting
Agreements, disagreements crystallized and revealed a significant
tions deviations from the original binding framework seven points. Into
This long period of fermentation, compositions and disagreements was
both the continuation or not of its participation in any collective procedure
dure, and the possibility of their coexistence in a common organizational
venture.
The collective synthetic product of these processes is the po-
icy legacy and wealth of this entire route. Judging
as the elementary political basis on which to build the
AP, deposited as the constitutional text for approval to the foundation
conference, and reflects the maximum potential convergence level
- 5 -
authorities / posts / Targets / organizational structure among all anarchi-
KON collectives involved in this organizational effort
But -ontas simultaneously consistent with the original political context of the seven
points originally designated as our collective compass.
Today, at a time of global systemic crisis, the state and the Capital
ter are in a constant process of restructuring having intensify
the attack to the society by imposing increasingly epachtheste-
resources conditions of exploitation and oppression, in misery and ftochopoiisi
larger and larger sections of and exclusion from elementary
public social goods; the destruction and looting of the natural world
in the name of development; upgrading of the role of repressive
forces and control and monitoring mechanisms; the efforts
silencing every voice resisting the savage repression and terrorist
QUESTION world struggling, to smear and silence
of fights and attempts to isolate those erecting mounds at
dominant designs; with forced migration and chilia-
see murders of immigrants and refugees on the borders and within
Western metropolises, the cold-blooded killings by police lished
They too, the workers killings in sweatshop employer baptized 'em-
gatika accidents ".
Worldwide highlights the movement of sovereignty to
imposition of modern totalitarianism for the complete subjugation of the
below. This antisocial aggression of a bankrupt culture
-economic system that not only is in crisis, which DISPATCH
is the structural feature, but to sepsis. Opposite the rise
resistances of the oppressed, resistors we seek to accom-
likopoiithoun. Against deadlock reasonable award, putting Com-
cial in realistic terms the collective vision of the world of equality,
solidarity, freedom.
In this context, the organization of the anarchist political necessity
race through the upgrading of structures and procedures, export
continues to remain relevant and compelling. The aformalistiko model
It was for several years the main way of organizing a large
Track anarchists. Selected in a completely different
social and political environment, we consider the organizational proposal
insufficient, especially under present conditions. Opportunistic sys-
Cooperation between anarchist groups and individual partners, the
spontaneity, militancy and determination are elements
- 6 -
which prevailed in the Greek anarchist "space" and the one contributed
lan to build a vibrant and diverse political space
produced great events and gave dynamic responses krati-
parties and the capitalist system, but on the other hand have clearly shown the
very specific limits. Inconsistency, lack of commitment, abstinence
the kinematic processes and operation of the "space" often
in social terms gang and not according to political criteria set up
a space that contributes to limited social and class antepithe-
night, unable to overcome the limitations of fragmentation and complainant
geltikotitas, diversion and exegersiakotitas. Our aim is
their overcoming to draw a long-term strategy,
gain greater penetration of the anarchist project
struggle to form consciences, create terms and
place in society a realistic proposal for the revolutionary
subversion of the state and capital.
The need to define the main directions of fight that will exypi-
retoun both long-term and short-term goals
Our provides the basis on which we can give the organizational
Our tive answers. So we came to us as a strategic choice
We aim to work in the direction of creating Anarchist Policy
Organization will both be the vehicle match the constant battles
social and class war. The steady fermentation-communication within
an organization will help coordinate and be arranged
more massive-dynamic movements, strengthening solidarity, in
common strategy in the social-class struggles in continuous
and consistent intervention of the central political field both nationally as
both locally and create a new policy proposal which will empe-
Flex vision of social organization of people in a antiexousi-
civil society.
We seek, therefore creating an Anarchist Political Organization
which has federal character to be collectives
its cells, and function together in a horizontal structure. An organization
which would be established on a consistent and adequate policies symfoni-
s between anarchist collectives, which jointly shape the
single political movement nationwide through collective
bodies which will coexist equally. One Policy Anarchist or-
ised that can help create a structured,
radical movement. Where to put obstacles in any attempt cheirago-
- 7 -
tration, having kapilefsis and mediation of social and class struggles
and their integration efforts by reformism. Which puts in
clearly the issue of the social revolution as the only realistic
outlet from below for conclusive freedom from domination
and will link a few matches with the overall revolutionary project
overthrow the state and capital.
We call on the anarchist collectives perceive such reference
necessity to participate in a political organization with common goals and
political context, the founding congress to be held in Athens
7 & 8 November. For pervasive diffusion of anarchist collective
vision for the transition to a society of justice, equality, freedom
and solidarity. For his contribution to anarchist political struggle in the Com-
cial and class emancipation. For the social revolution and the building
the bridge between the daily struggle and vision of anarchy and
communism.
NO OTHER WORLD IS NOT EFIKTOS
WHILE THERE IS STATE AND CAPITALISM
ORGANISATION KI STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION,
Communism and Anarchy
collectivity for social anarchism "Black and Red"
(Thessaloniki)
anarchist group "restive horse"
(Patras)
anarchist group "Dinamitera"
(Patras)
anarchist collective "Circle of Fire"
(Athena)
anarchist collective "Omikron72"
(Athena)

- 9 -
DRAFT CONSTITUTION
PRINCIPLES
1. Who we are
We are anarchists, part of the broader social, class and revolutionary
nity movement of the exploited and oppressed. Agonizo-
here we are for social liberation through socialist revolution.
We understand that the core of the social question is on
hierarchical, authoritarian and exploitative way of organizing society
the state and capital, and exploitation and oppression relations
that produces.
We recognize the necessity of another model of organization
anarchists, and our purpose of this organizational effort is re-
miourgia a structure that will enhance and strengthen the struggle for
social self-management on the basis of commonly agreed political strategies
cal goals.
We are fighting for social revolution inspired by the wealth
nual history of social and class movements that demanded and pro-
lepsan for a world without exploitation and oppression. Our struggle
inspired by the contribution and presence of anarchists in the re-
nastatika movements, from the Paris Commune as Chicago and from
Makhnovist movement and the Spanish revolution until today.
We realize the social revolution as a continuous process
conflict, competition and the overthrow of the ruling structures, relationships
and mechanisms of power by the emancipatory and from below or-
ganomenes social, class resistance in the direction of social
release of anarchy and libertarian communism. As a
ongoing process of building social relations based on equality,
solidarity and freedom. We as a condition for the Com-
cial revolution development, massification and organization both
wider collective and horizontal social and class struggles
the exploited and the anarchist movement. We aim to pre-
thrust and maximum dissemination and influence of the revolutionary, antiexousia-
menting and libertarian ideas and practices within these struggles.
- 10 -
The goals and the means we use to achieve them is
indivisible. We agree with the anarchist position that the end does not justify
means, unlike any purpose bearing and means, while the means are not the same
an end in themselves. To achieve our goal are the means of values
we use to be in agreement with him. The object set
lives the range of instruments, but also the means prefigure the end.
Our concept of social revolution is an internationalist. Concerns
the liberation of the entire global community, without
It requires the simultaneous realization worldwide. The social
RH revolution for us is a process that tends towards lasting cheira-
fetisi each community and individual.
2. Against what we fight
Against the state because it is the body that imposes, reproduce,
perpetuates and expresses the authoritarian and exploitative relationships. Why
attempts to define, monitor and mediate each function
social life. We are against the authoritarian-hierarchical structuring
society, institutions and mechanisms of representation, repression
glycol, civil justice and inclusion. We strive for total referred
Commission of the state and its institutions and reject any reasonable management
ment of co-management. We are opposed to any kind of split
power, whatever form gets, like, for example, labor a Member
Tosh. The refusal to participate in elections to the bourgeois political system
(national and local) are an integral part of our visa policy.
Against capitalism. We are against capitalism and to the commit-
contested social and political relations based on class di-
sect of society. Against the production and consumption models
based on wage labor, the human relations of exploitation by
man and plunder the natural world. Our opposition to the re-
gkosmio capitalist system and intergovernmental institutions of domination
(economic, political, military) and contains our opposition
wars and military operations and interventions they
conduct to control nature and societies, both locally
and globally. From our side we are fighting for the devel-
development and interconnection internationalist class and social resistances, for
converting each national / state of war in war of holdings
lefomenon against their exploiters.
- 11 -
Against discrimination and inequality. The fight against all differences
separation that produces power and relations of exploitation (eg national, religion
skeftiko, racial, gendered) are inextricably connected to our struggle
against the state and capitalism. We strive for change
Social relations and consciousness, as well as against the reproduction
the dominant standards in the social field.
Against reformism. We compete every reformist conception
and reject any reformist alternative management program
the existing system of exploitation and oppression. Such anti-
Downloads promoting class collaboration and social peace and
not affect the core of the social problem, namely the power-
Sticks and exploitative nature of the imposed way of organizing
society, cultivate illusions about the humanization of the existing.
They operate misleading and inhibit the development cheira-
fetimenon and revolutionary struggles in the social base to express
living exploited the needs and desires of the individual and
social liberation.
3. What society we want and based on what value framework
Our struggle aims at creating a classless society akratikis,
horizontal and self-organized. We seek koinokti-
nancy means of production and the goods produced. The society
but put forward that based on the principles of equality, solidarity and
of freedom. How you get to this society is the Com-
cial revolution that will remove not only the operation and
human oppression of man by man but should also put an end to the looting
nature and allow everyone in our all free access
social goods, aimed at all-round development of man. THE
term that can express the project we have for this way
organization of society, but also the way in which we choose to
move in this direction, it is anarchist communism. More
Specifically, this term we mean a society that operates on
scheme of generalized self-management. Everyone can have these
needs, providing in the community what they can. Can
be no real individual freedom for all, when there is social
and political equality, and there may be this equality when there Com-
cial and individual freedom.
- 12 -
LOCATIONS
1. Exploitation of the working class struggles
The exploitation and oppression of man by man, the abuse of
labor power and hierarchy are fundamental characteristics of re-
pitalismou.
The capital-labor contradiction is our fundamental relationship author-
tion and exploitation. A key element of the reproduction of capitalism
tion is the blackmail of wage labor, the imposition and perpetuation of
dominance relations.
Crises are a building block of capitalism worldwide. In
crisis conditions, the attack of the state and capital deepening their
terms of enforcement and exploitation.
Opposite the bureaucratic party and controlled from above
organized syndicalism, a key supporter of the class co
eration and the "social peace", oppose the organization of deposits
pressed at the grassroots unions and class initiatives.
From our side, we are fighting for the interconnection of all compart-
matches flow in a common direction that recognizes as key respon-
sponsible for social inequality the state and capital and sets
the conditions for their overthrow. The class consciousness formation and
Decision on organization and action of the exploited for of inter-
dumping them against the exploiters is determinant
creating a revolutionary movement.
As advantage we have to fight autonomously for RES
Our leftherosi creating our own race structures, syntonistou-
with nationwide and internationally giving akidemoneftous struggles aimed at
expropriation and socialization of the means of production. We choose to
participate actively in the class struggle anarchists, aiming at devel-
development of a massive, horizontally organized, emancipated class cinematographic
Tosh, which will fight for the overall social self-management through
social revolution.
2. Social Games
The social struggles emerge from the needs of the oppressed
They challenge the sovereignty of the state, capital and all
- 13 -
power relations that they impose on the social field. Such
games ever developed in the authoritarian world, especially in
conditions generalized crisis of the system. Insofar are developed
are from below and in competition with the existing dikes are
the plans of the state and capital, attempting to anatro-
sion of these designs to their specific points.
As anarchists and as part of the exploited sections of social
ment, we have to participate and intervene actively and continuously
the social struggles that compete with the designs
domination. To interact with social and class projects,
both in work and in wider social areas, function
gontas propellants development adiamesolaviton, antierarchikon and
unwritten games. We participate in them with a view to lasting rizospa-
stikopoiisi their content, processes that surround them
and means of struggle chosen.
The interconnection of social struggles contribute to developing relations
solidarity tions between the racers, the maximization of stocks
and loss of action of the oppressed and the acquisition total
visa for the social and class antagonism.
3. Immigration - Racism
Forced migration intensified today because of sygkekrime-
Managing capital domination imposing conditions and the nation a Member
at global level, causing wars and social degradation
and pillage of natural resources.
The state and the capital managed by the migration issue
target fragmentation of the oppressed. The borders are a
type faucet through which the state manages the labor force
cial according to the needs of the dominant, depending on the political and
economic relations.
To achieve this management of migration and prosfygi-
flows, migration is treated as collective illegality. The po-
icy of developed countries for migration is determined by the
dipole-suppression integration and establishes the distinction between 'legitimate'
and "illegal", imposing the brutal repression of the majority
which remain "undocumented" (deportations, concentration camps, gke-
the, minefields, fences etc.). The paranomopoiisi immigrants their re-
renders cheap labor. The criminalization of migration
- 14 -
bit multi-level repression, exploitation and oppression
disinherited of authoritarian-capitalist world. The relationship soli-
gyis immigrants stems from the recognition of social and
Our class proximity.
The term racism refers literally to racial segregation
and the consideration that one race is superior to others. However in
Nowadays the term 'racism' 'described broader social differences
crises, based on race, ethnicity, gender, skin color, religions
skeia, sexual orientation etc. Historically racism existed in dif-
hours forms in different human societies, but in modern history
It is acquiring ideological backgrounds to become theoretical pati-
but the exploitation, enslavement and annihilation to social
groups or peoples, serving the interests of the ruling. The racist
tion aims fragmentation and the enslavement of the world
the working class and the oppressed in general, pushing them
methodically allilofagoma. In the war between the bottom, the only
winners are the state and the bosses.
As anarchists we are internationalists and anti-racists, we are hostile to
each condition causing the forced migration of human
beings from their homes. We support the abolition of borders,
free movement of all people and equal participation
in every field of social activity. Consequently, internationalistic
Our project goes against capitalist globalization.
We stand in solidarity with the struggles of migrants and refugees,
fostering their connection with the local struggles, attempting to
highlight the political and class attributes the upsurge of struggles
to and synolikopoiisi of imperatives in the direction of re-
nanthropinis emancipation.
4. Fascism - Nazism
As a political expression of the state and the bourgeoisie, fascism and
Nazism historically been the extreme expression of the counterrevolution. The
social soil in which fascism develops created by
dominant paradigms (competition and the war of all against all,
individualism, social conservatism) that produces or reproduces
authoritarian-exploitative capitalist system through the state.
In conditions of crisis, fascism is a political choice by the state and
bosses, in the direction of militarization of society and the labor
- 15 -
tion. The relationship of the state and capitalism in the neo-Nazi and fasisti-
Kd constructs are organic. They serve as a crutch / reserve in times
capitalist normality and upgraded crisis. Fascism
used for the engagement of the most conservative and backward
pieces of society with the mechanisms of the state and the bosses,
reproducing and using the ideology of nationalism.
The victorious outcome of social and class struggles goes through
by the struggle against fascism. So it is crucial not only
highlighting the role of fascism and the enduring hit. The sys-
collision with fascism is part of the struggle against the forces of
state and capital. The anti-fascism for us is antiexousiasti-
MR, and the struggle against fascism is part of the fight against
in each power. The antikratika-unwritten features antifasi-
tive struggle responding to conditions that generate it.
At the same time, anti-fascism contribute to the development of another social
Nikos paradigm that defends the economic and political equality
and social justice and inclusive and exceptions based
gender, race, religion and ethnicity. The anti-fascism is
parallel class, as defending the specific interests of katapi-
esmenon and exploited arising from class inequality.
Any other political approach running in "democratic"
norms conveys the issue in urban contexts where reformist forces
assume the leadership of the anti-fascist "struggle" is not
simultaneously and anti-capitalist. The ideological and political background
antifascist struggle for us should not affect the entire philosophical
narrative of fascism itself and uterus who gives birth, of the State
and capitalism. Finally, anti-fascism must be combative
and to develop self-structures of the social movement and
oppressed, taking all necessary measures to halt the
Fascism until the decisive crushing and eliminating it.
5. Patriarchy - Gender discrimination
Patriarchy predates capitalism exploited to consolidate
and today is articulated with the state and capitalist organization
of society.
With the emergence of capitalism, the institution of patriarchy gained
New features in order to serve the new imposed
social, economic and political relations.
- 16 -
In capitalism, the gender discrimination not only due to economic
cial causes. They are the result of other factors (cultural, religion
skeftikon, ethical, ideological).
The gender discrimination breed and take root throughout the Com-
cation as power relations and contribute to the fragmentation of anti-
attitudes. To be truly common struggle for social RES
leftherosi should be centered and parallel to the removal of
specific power relations inside from below. THE
struggle against patriarchy, gender-based oppression, sexism and
homophobia is part of the struggle for the overthrow of the state and
capital and individual and social liberation.
6. Social discrimination
The reproduction of social discrimination today is a product of krati-
tion and capitalism and class contradictions. Each author-
siastiko system that preceded capitalism produced its own
social discrimination and social stereotypes, grown systems
ness even today against specific groups with synakolou-
ih deprivation freedoms / their potential, whether it receives official
institutionalized form of either state regulation remains at a level atypical
mo / implicit.
The organization of the social life of the state and capital is
designed so that a part of society to be excluded, depending
Economic, cultural, religious, gendered, sexual, physical or
social standards promoted by the rule.
The result of the above Product made by the same system-di-
credulity is the birth of social exclusion of individuals and groups
who, because of social conditions, fail to incorporate the
imperative lifestyle (drug addicts, homosexuals, immigrants,
homeless, limit-s, mentally ill, non-productive unemployed etc.), with
direct consequential social marginalization. Marginalisation
It serves the targeting of sovereignty demonization and registration
suit certain social pieces, aiming, inter alia,
discipline the rest.
In today's society the fundamental contradiction that we recognize between
capital and labor, dominators and the dominated. Necessary budget
able to solve the individual conflicts developed by the capitalist
tion as a social relation is the removal of the holding forces
- 17 -
Working from the forces of Capital. But the reversal was not
It is capable by itself to deconstruct the whole of power
relations that have been formed and replayed at the base of society.
In society we envision as anarchists have no discrimination location
and stereotypes. Promoting endotaxikon separations aims
the strife, disorientation and defuse social
Nikita anger generated by the attack of the rulers. The class unity, and therefore
class power, will be permanently inadequate, but let us be discrimination
distracting.
We participate actively in unmediated social struggles
conducted to eliminate such discrimination, as we
that are part of more global struggle for social cheirafe-
QUESTION seeking the establishment of an equal coexistence of society
different. The elimination of social discrimination becomes necessary
Treaty and from the contents of our struggle.
7. misery - social cannibalism
The poverty is multi-level (economy, the value, cultural,
environmental) devaluation of life and dignity of katapiesme-
images. The constant aggravation of conditions of misery is the result of viai-
term restructuring of the state and the capitalist mode of organization
society. The social exclusions, intensification of exploitation
workplaces, mass unemployment, poverty, desperation and inde-
figures for increasingly wider social pieces, the official collapse
"Welfare" state structures and their commercialization perithoriopoi-
s huge population tracks as "non-productive" and blackmail the
subjection of the whole society.
The social discontent generated by the savage attack state and kapi-
TALISMAN being addressed with both intensification and
upgrading of repression and the cultivation of social representatives
fascism, promoting ideologies ie maintained at kyri-
principles of living to survive by any means, personalization and
competition.
Result of the dissolution of the social fabric, lack of class sys-
neidisis and collective culture of solving problems pre-
arising from the war state and the bosses against any concept
public and collective, is allilofagoma the poor, the holdings
lefomenon, excluded. The Revolving ie violence between
- 18 -
plebeian strata of society, which we define as a social kani-
valismo. A treaty desired and promoted by the dominant,
It misleads and manipulates the anger from the bottom to the
really responsible for the misery of this world and channeled
if in a perpetual war of all against all in the order of exploi-
tallefomenon.
From our perspective as anarchists intervene and strive to re-
directional:
o The pointing of real defaulting on the exploitation, con-
tapiesi and overall plundering of our life, which is none other than
imposed the organization of society by the state and the
capital.
o The emergence of syllogikopoiisis and solidarity towards
fragmentation, fake divisions and fear that reproduce
produces power and organized from below common struggles
locals and immigrants to exploitation, poverty,
repression, fascists and mafia.
o The kinematic connection between the oppressed and ekmetallefome-
images based on the collective struggles that start from common develop-
needs and their common interests.
o The support and spread the self-organized social structures inter-
lengyis as race tracks of from below, without illusions island-
don freedom within the world of the state and capitalism.
o The strengthening of awe opposing the hegemony of institutional pro-
statefmenou populist charitable example.
o The constant effort for radicalization of consciences.
o The self-managed struggle for a classless society of equality, inter-
lengyis, freedom.
8. Culture - Culture
The culture is the values, practices, ideas and ideologies of a Com-
cation, is an integral part of the establishment, the structure and
structure the social life. The state constantly attempts to grab
spontaneous social expressions. The market and every kind of institutional
tions mediations spread their nets across the social field. Each
dominant authoritarian political and economic system historically promoted
- 19 -
its own culture, its own moral code of values and to diaioni-
CAM enforcement. Contrasted the libertarian culture and
culture against domination. A culture that opposes any
authoritarian logic. Libertarian culture that means solidarity,
companionship, lack of specialists, and self-organization of syllogikopoiisi
artistic expression. We seek the liberation of cultural
activity from the state / capitalist yoke.
We are against one-way link transmitter and receiver in the arts and
the letters. For what constitutes and what does not the dominant culture chrisimopoi-
Umeå as the criteria of what culture produced in what apefthyne-
Tai, why and with what objective. We are against the dominant culture
It is a means to control human consciousness from power and
relief valve for tolerance of reality and oppression,
through promotion of standardized aesthetic standards. A free social
published as we envision, we need to ensure coverage
the spiritual needs and equally open to all and in all. To
encourages the cultivation of inclinations and desires of each
member, be inspired and be fed spiritually and practically
These and promote solidarity, collective culture and Com-
nonikopoiisi.
Preceded by the collective and individual self-organized, antiemporef-
tional action, considering that it can contribute to the development of class
and revolutionary consciousness. We support existing aftoorga-
vidual cultural infrastructure and contribute to create new, which
promote individual and social liberation.
9. Issues repression, prisons, incarceration,
solidarity with imprisoned fighters
a. Suppress
Repression mechanisms are a key pillar of the power of the State
and capital and combined with that produced
consensus (SMEs, institutions, parties) aimed at social peitharchi-
night. The repressive mechanisms resisting attack aimed
Crush them and terrorize the whole society to sover-
chisei fear and submission.
In a broad social legitimization of the system environment
Tosh, which is intensified due to global capitalist crisis, krati-
- 20 -
RH suppression upgraded promoting imposing a permanent sits
Emergency regime. This is a process that aims to
unhindered advance the overall restructuring of the system exousi-
let and the transformation of society. Important role in repressive
strategies has ideological attack to produce consensus in
state repression, so that it appears as a social asset and
legalized the institution, ie the state.
Priority repressive policies are hitting and sys-
ntrivi social and class resistance that challenge their gov-
riarchous design, levees state and capitalist
invasion and leave open the way to claiming a society coun-
Piq exploitation and subjugation. In this context includes katastal-
tive approaches and attacks on workers' struggles, local social
Tific resistors in antifascist demonstrations in major strike
demonstrations, structures and means of struggle movements.
One of the main targets of state repression are anarchi-
Train and anarchists who in their sustained and multiform action promoted
thoun radicalization of resistance on every front against social
and class war. Important role in the repressive attack
the anarchist struggle, outside the parastatal crowd and aggressive state
tions to fight militants and areas, has the ideological attack against him,
through propaganda campaign for criminalization, the syko-
fantisi aponoimatodotisi and the fight for social revolution,
to achieve social and political marginalization of the anarchists.
Our attitude to the crackdown is continuing, better or-
ganisation, the synolikopoiisi and radicalization of broader class
and social struggles, and the maximum kinematic commitment of all
forces organized from below and target re-
tastolis.
b. Prisons - Confinement
The imposition of social and class inequality, division and di-
achorismou people, the very organization of authoritarian society
It is created and imposed prison confinement, punishing
violators of the law of the strong, and blackmailing its subordination
society. Encapsulation is the condition imposed by the system
according to criteria that are shaped by the dominance. Antilamvano-
here we are the subject of wider inclusion of the prison walls. Bourgeois
- 21 -
culture is eminently a world of fortresses, walls, borders. The Zn
tion of prisons and incarceration is eminently class character. OR
overwhelming majority of prisoners belongs to the most impoverished
layers of society.
Prisons are one of the major weapons of the oppressor
to terrorize society, to punish unruly but
and to avenge those who consciously challenge the existing system. With
the imposition of torture incarceration seeks social,
emotional, financial and psychological extermination of prisoners.
Through absolute control, subjugation and isolation egklei-
stou attempted rupture bi-directional links between
and that of society, and lead to the stigmatization of from it.
We are in solidarity with the struggles of prisoners for dignity
and their demands for better living conditions. We are one-
Horizontal in using the struggles of prisoners of reformist
institutions that end up in the defense of democracy and the urban
law without affecting the substance of the class nature of the laws and
encapsulating the essence of existence of prisons, based on the existence
the state.
The prison in these circumstances is a daily enforcement
power against social resistance. As anarchists we stand
opposite not only the conditions of imprisonment, the apostrefomenoi there
wholesale penitentiary system, but we fight for the formation of terms
in order to establish a society without prisons, where the law will absorption
flowing and will refer to it. In the concentration camps in mental
Atreus warehouse people, prisons and special cells forged
disciplining the norms of sovereignty. Those who deviate from them punished
PRIMA. This is a message to the whole society, for a production
sampling rate intimidating to all our allegiance to the power of the state
and the bosses.
The struggle against prisons and the barbaric institution of confinement
It can only be an inalienable part of more comprehensive struggle
a world without exploitation and oppression, no state and power.
c. Solidarity to imprisoned fighters
The solidarity to the imprisoned and persecuted fighters is a
even inalienable part of everyday social and class struggle.
For us reasonable piecemeal solidarity movements is
- 22 -
promotional unless it is part of the overall strategy of the anarchist
movement. Solidarity is not requires prior political agreement but must
coexists with criticism, according to the principles of Anarchist Civil
tion Organization (APO). Solidarity addressed politically to po-
cies subjects. It incorporates their ideas and their overall position
to fight and clear through their broader analysis and
objectives set for him. When political subjects prosecuted or
in prison represent eg antikinimatikes, antikoinoni-
tions or competitive with the movement concepts, the convergence policies
It is unattainable. So the race is bounded at the level of opposition to
state repression when solidarity as mutual relationship can not
find linking fields between their subjects.
10. Media Relations
The negative attitude of the anarchists towards the mainstream media, which
They are structural institution of sovereignty, based on the timeless role
as social manipulation tools, mediation and propaganda
the dominant discourse. In particular today, the wild attack conditions
state and the bosses in society and resistors, the kathesto-
ing media has brought together fully the sovereignty and attempt Commission
shot of modern totalitarianism.
Our hostile position towards the mainstream media starts from the sys-
narthrosi with the economic interests of capital and a Member
tion plans, their role as a propaganda tool in the hands of
sovereign and mechanisms subjugation of consciences. They laid
ristiki contribute to the production of stereotypes against many perithori-
opoiimenon social groups, the distortion of reality,
to terrorize society, the slander of social
KON-class struggle and the militants and promoting ideologies
designed to break down social and class communities. The
the mainstream media claim the monopoly of the flow of information and
exploit the possibilities offered by the status of the transmitter
opposite the receiver-society, using as a pretext a fictional
pluralism.
The BY operates on the logic of formation of own media infor-
mation and support, according to the principles thereof;, existing me-
Sean wider anarchist / anti-authoritarian movement. Effort
creating counter-structures is an integral part of a
- 23 -
wider target: the deconstruction of the dominant discourse. In cases of
We are facing critical issues (such as life or liberty issues
partners / isson political matters marginally for the existence of anarchist
movement) does not exclude de facto our intervention through the media.
But neither team can speak in the name of APO in any medium.
If you decide to organize for specific and exceptional reasons may
to intervene in the media in a way that she will decide on terms
and conditions that will not alter the value framework and will not
make us dependent interests beyond and outside of them
anarchist struggle.
11. Relationship with the institutions and break with reformism
Reformism, perception competitive in the revolutionary perspective,
puts a process or a program of reforms in the con-
pitalistikou system of organizing society. Expressed principally
Therefore the parties of the regime left and bureaucratic
trade union leaders, but also pieces of exokoinovoulef-
tion left and alternative associations -as MKO- referred
out on social and class issues.
It is a perception within the social and class struggles,
bodies which pursue social and class pacification. They attempt
mediation of social struggles and their subjects, the
award of race initiatives in "special" systems and the factors
Matos, limiting processes and forms of struggle in the limits diamar-
Cheese allowing each state. Seek denervation of
social resistance, distortion and slandering of fighter
and without a guardian forms of struggle, the inactivation of the social base
and dissemination of defeatism in striving pieces and
the electioneering exploitation of competitions.
Refusing reformism as a political concept, not deny them
struggles of our class against the oppressive living conditions. Anti-
fighting reformist logic and concepts within these
races and we are constantly alert to prevent apopei-
hours assimilation of social and class resistors by setting
fixed resistor structures on all social / class issue · with distinctive
our participation in open procedures · the fight with the defense
self-organization, the horizontality of procedures and equal
participation of all racers in decision making · the over-
- 24 -
- 24 -
defending the selection of race instruments depending on the capabilities · with
radicalization and linking some own struggles with
the overall project of social revolution.
12. Financing - financial independence
The FROM financed through contributions, ordinary or extraordinary, the collective
Plausibility cells based on the number of members and of events eco-
nomic aid organized either by itself or by the Commission
Part collectives. We refuse any financial contribution from
state, bosses, profit organizations, NGOs. The ways finan-
of APO-financing when they pass through the activity of the individual
vidual collectives and their manifestations, should be consistent
with the agreed political content. The collectives must
BY inform and seek consent for events,
when they explicitly refer to it as a recipient of financial aid.
Funding FROM can not be derived from activity
which attacks and undermines the political identity on the basis of value;
KON-statutory declarations.
- 25 -
GOALS
Strategic goals
1. Create libertarian, revolutionary, class movement
Without the organization of a mass libertarian, revolutionary, class ki-
thread the oppressed can not confront the oppressor
facturers with conditions that could give perspective victory. This movement is
the collective subject counterattack in the war of the bosses and at the same
same time bearer of an existing world of solidarity and equality. Budget
Case for social revolution is to create a broad, machiti-
tion and self-organized social and class movement, organic part
which seeks to be the anarchist Political Organization. Such
movement prepares through the operation of the structures and procedures
today the organization and operation of tomorrow's society.
Within the movement we believe that we must act to unite
a radical libertarian class pole, which will create conditions
total subversion.
2. Social Revolution
The social revolution always, but especially in the current limit
conditions of capitalist crisis, was and is the only
possible response of the oppressed toward the crash. The Com-
cial revolution is a matter of society itself, not a closed
facturer compound will realize in its name. The APO does not purport
to reverse itself the existing power, but to turn to
such conditions in society, as an integral part of that to the same
move in this direction. We define social revolution as
a broad and continuous process that removes the state and capitalism
and transforms all social relations and structures at the base
freedom and equality. In the environment we live in, should
to work for the development of antidomon to replace
the world of power. Structures horizontal, collective and antierarchikon,
that will promote social emancipation, solidarity and relationships
mutual, collective life, and ever will strengthen and devel-
Lisse. And through these structures, against the state and capital,
the very subject of the fight political, class, koinonika- it stood
- 26 -
mind and terms for the total subversion, a society of freedom,
equality and solidarity, for communism and anarchy.
Statutory objectives
1. Strengthening and upgrading the kinematic processes,
of class, social and political collectivities
The FROM promote the strengthening and upgrading the kinematic procedure
dures, of class, social and political structures. Individuals collective
Sanity involved in FROM encouraged to participate
social and class projects or contribute to creating new
self-organized ventures, with full respect for the independence of
these structures. We seek to update and transfer the kinematics
experience of social and class projects to APO in order to
processing policy conclusions. Based on this processing, the-
oroume requested to disseminate conclusions and our positions within
the social and class struggles, respecting the priorities
and the needs of social and class ventures. The interactions
importance will contribute to the proper assessment of kinematics reality
in which we live and act, grounding our project at sime-
ether and enabling both tried our common enemy, which
is none other than the state and capital, and the cultivation of a
collective vision for a new society.
2. Distinct presence and clear position in the races
The distinct presence and our participation in the social-class struggles,
in solidarity and support, without self-referential, aims to link
them, their radicalization and dissemination of the project of Com-
's social revolution. With our intervention we promote self-organization
social and class struggles and their akidemonefto character.
We are the track and interact with them. We demonstrate the
limits of partial and its own struggles, were standing critically, objec-
ing the winning outcome, without ignoring their self-worth.
3. Analysis-processing of theoretical issues
The theory and practice are inseparable and allilotrofodotoumenes. OR
their connection is given to us. We aim to conjugate the theoretical
- 27 -
nity wealth that already exists and is continuously expanding, with daily
experience kinematic action. Fermentation within the APO is
necessary to achieve maximum convergence theo-
ing issues. The FROM aims to raise knowledge and experience
the struggles of the oppressed and exploited and export sys-
inference from signs of success and failure. Keeps alive
why a free society, updating and developing the
constantly.
Indicative tools:
a) Form - site - internet forum
b) regular dialogue process
c) self-education groups
d) thematic groups
e) constant systematic study structures / Research
4. Exchange of experience-information
We consider very important to share experiences and conclusions
individual groups FROM based fights that break out and
how to participate in these groups. There is necessity briefing
ing and immediate communication between groups FROM for race issues.
5. Counter
We deem necessary the existence of propaganda-antiplirofori- tools
ing, both print and electronic / digital, and desirable judge
widest possible participation of the teams from their respective fields.
6. Coordination of solidarity groups involved in APO
The solidarity is an integral part of the same struggle.
Through the coordination of solidarity enhanced communication between
groups and link them, and strengthened their actions in terms of
physical presence, material support etc. The material support and political
support members of APO, whether prosecuted, is something
It must be given within the APO, if we refer to
issues that run under the statutes and policies
agreements FROM. Furthermore, the collective bodies process the
issues as appropriate.
- 28 -
7. Relations with feeding structures, housing, health care
We believe that the APO should support self-organized structures already
there are encouraging the creation of new structures by respective
social and class projects. A basic direction of APO is
the participation of its members in such structures and encouraging creation
tive them where there are none. The aim is not the policy of placing
in FROM, but the coverage of social needs of the exploited.
As anarchists we choose the unmediated act, to organize themselves,
as the only meaningful way of coverage of durable social needs,
regardless of the specific political context. Particularly within tori-
sible conditions sharpened crisis of capitalism, making the "state
welfare "definitely dead, new prospects are opening up for construction
structures in favor of the exploited on the basis of organization from below,
collectivity and solidarity, and not a 'charity' pos-
relief that those "left over." The APO, both through participation
its members and through its positions, promotes sense of common
rixiakis direction of these antidomon with the existing and creation
ment of a network antidomon which, through horizontal processes, will pro-
They tend a new way of organizing society based on relations
solidarity and mutual aid.
Our goal is to be in FROM interaction with other existential
market structures of the movement.
We want that organization to contribute to the broader movement and not
organization-movement.
8. Organisation of self-defense movement
It is necessary to strengthen the structures and culture of aftoamy-
image at strategic and tactical levels, through the creation of collective
procedures. The construction of social self-defense is a necessary
Treaty / condition of social and class counter.
The objective of organized self-defense is the difference aftoperifrourisi
procedures and open movement of APO, and in a second time the possibility
lity contribution to safeguarding the movement and the struggles that
BY supports and participates. Essentials supports any aftoorgano-
order operation against state supremacy is the kinematic and
social background, which conquered through daily intervention
and participation in the games. The self-defense structures are purely and DISPATCH
- 29 -
BY exclusively institutions and their action is determined by the collective
of political decisions. Ensuring cohesion means and ends are
BY responsibility and its members. FROM The total use in the
political will these structures, which are required to obey
the decisions of the collective bodies.
These include:
The safeguard procedures, processes and open movements. The ability
event reflexes and instant answers. Creating groups
medical and legal support. Creating direct communica- network
let. The exchange of experiences and the development of procedures for processing
their. The exploration of its regular state repression and syndiamor-
ance collective responses. The ability to overcome setbacks
we receive and pass a counterattack.
9. Interconnection with organizations and shapes
in Europe and worldwide
As anarchists, we perceive the internationalist character and re-
gkosmia nature of our revolutionary project and struggle. Being re-
convinced that national boundaries that divide people based natu-
glycol, color and language play statism, hierarchical struc-
Mes and imposed social relations, as well as being a
treaty should be questioned in today and tomorrow be repealed
githei, seek principled developing relations and cooperation
political, social and class shapes around the globe. Furthermore
we need to develop relations and cooperation with anarchist
venturing world, not solely on the basis of the common organizational
tion form, but mostly based on common contents, positions, objectives
and issue of race. This building political ties could
even flows into an international support structures and inter-
lengyis, in an effort to build a coherent
political and organizational community between the anarchist forces
world. Indicatively, the objectives of the interface are: strengthening
links of solidarity, coordination, partnership, exchange of experiences /
views / information (eg translations, participation in conferences etc.), the
enrichment of our visa, providing material assistance either side, the
firm cooperation across national borders, global actions and
international solidarity movements.
- 30 -
10. Create anarchist revolutionary program
We consider it important to create an anarchist revolutionary pro-
BY wording as an indispensable tool for the needs of our struggle.
Regarding its content, starts and is inspired by the basic principles,
positions and targeting APO, which submits it, and involves the
outline of a society without a state and capitalism without exploitation
tation and oppression, as well as a comprehensive and socially grounded program
proposal on how we can get to that society. The elaboration
It aims to bridge the gap between the visionary / protagmatiko
element theory that looks to the future and the social / class / political
struggle of anarchists in the here and now. Alongside attempts to specialized for
dikefsi opinions and our proposals for a number of individual
social and political issues. The program must be submitted in writing and
public and are configured in a manner that takes into account how the prac-
tice of application is not limited solely to organized pieces
anarchy, but concerns antithesmiseis, race communities and aftoorgano-
PONV structures that are born within a complex and complicated social
reality, that it can act as a promotional procedures
the cause of social revolution.
The program sets out clearly the question of social revolution as
the only way out of the system of exploitation and subjugation that
maintain the state and the bosses. As for its features,
they must be imbued with clarity, functionality and realistikoti-
the order with the continuous and dynamic provisioning and anatrofo-
financing the social and political conditions. He say is stepping in
a realistic understanding of the current situation. Be convincing and
inspiring. Involve us directly and binding in the class struggle.
Speaking today anarchist revolutionary program, we are talking about a
comprehensive proposal and artistic life in a society without a state and
capitalism without exploitation and oppression. A proposal apefthy-
Neta open to society and calls for keeping up the fight to
subversion of the state and capital, for a revolutionary way out and
to share in this common vision of a future society.
- 31 -
STRUCTURE Ð MODES
A. Decision mode
Anarchist Aviation Organization (APO)
A'1. Authorities
In part of the authorities decisions are based on omofonia-
synthesis-consensus with absolute binding.
A2. Strategy
In part of the strategic decision-making method is consensus-co
position-absolute consensus binding. In this field, however, if
one (1) group wants to be excluded for any reason, the summary
proposal that has emerged has the possibility to request an exemption and
not bound, provided they do not develop contrarian word and action with DISPATCH
phases of APO. The exemption or not will be judged by the teams BY
and approval of the exemption should be given unanimously. If more
from one group do not agree / consent to the proposed strategy,
then it is considered that there is no decision about this proposal
strategy. If you ask a group of excluding it and given this pos-
ity, the issue for which the exemption was requested will take priority
for the next olomeleiaki process.
A3. Posts
The piece of posts applies whatever the strategy, to footnote
that the exception is only in the absence of processed position
collectivity requesting an exception, not a political event
disagreements.
A4. Tactics
In matters tactical decisions arising under the procedure Co
position or consensus, with binding in the implementation of
Decision. As the composition / consensus is not possible, the DISPATCH
steps taken by qualified majority (3/5) while groups members
differentiated by the decisions are not bound to implement them.
- 32 -
Notes: o Strategy: establish long-term goal (and where appropriate short
term), resulting from the principles and positions of APO like
and fix general plans that will achieve the fulfillment of
those objectives. o Tactics: The movements arising under the strategic objective and
design. The decision as to whether an issue is strategic or tactical
It left both the previous political decisions and FROM
secondly, the political assessment of groups under the relevant a time
tronic time, and must be taken by consensus. o There is the possibility to collectives 
given block with opoiondi-
never a priori synthesis procedure. o The composition of refusal prior to reaching the 
production of a minimum policy
placement in positions and strategy issues considered obstruction
of the procedure. The group does not consent to the minimum policy positioned
QUESTION assume responsibility for the non-decision and the process recorded
Slice internally. o The issues for which it was not possible to have minimal positioned
QUESTION transferred to next olomeleiaki process and examined in
priority.
II. Involvement of collectives
B1. How membership groups
The anarchist group or collectivity wishing to join the Anar-
transhumance Political Organization must be consistent with the principles and functioning
the FROM and accept the positions and decisions of the conference.
Application integration is done by sending e-mail, in which, besides the acceptance
Xe of the above, the team is asked to make a brief self-introduction,
referring to political action.
The enduring institution shall consider the request in the time and can give
formal preliminary approval to participate in the collective candidate. The typical
authorization may be refused only if the permanent organ
It considers that there is a safety issue and from the members of the EI
Sodom candidate collegiality.
- 33 -
Since it has taken the preliminary approval, the candidate group may partici-
engaged in the processes and institutions of the APO and to the staffs
actions, but has no right to participate in the process of making Deci-
Decision. The final integration of collegiality is the next conference
or Conference (temporary or not). If the membership request
out in less than two months until the next conference
or conferences, the final integration is carried on after next conference or
conference. Decision mode for the integration of collectives
defined as increased majority of 4/5 of the collectives.
B2. How to leaving groups
Groups have the possibility of withdrawal at any time, returning,
they hold, shared resources (eg cash, material goods, means of access
infrastructure etc.). After the departure of a group from the BY, smooth inte-
da has no right to use the infrastructure and material resources from without
approval and has no right to participate in its institutions.
The team must give a political text severance, and like
directly disclose the fact of transfer of all groups, either
through the forum or by e-mail.
B3. Procedure dismissal groups
Question for the dismissal of a group only in the event katastra-
circumvention principles, positions and non-respect of binding collective decisions
the FROM and depreciation of the APO with prolonged procedures
absence and lack of participation in decision-making.
The groups will not participate in any procedure should be informed
inform and to adequately justify their absence, either through
forum or by e-mail.
On this basis, any group can lay claim to DISPATCH
procession of a group. Also, a question of expulsion of a group after 3
consecutive truancy in olomeleiakes procedures.
Initially, the group informed and notified the
comments, suggestions, recommendations. The determining factor in
expulsion process of a team is the attitude and explanations opposite
criticism will accept.
Request expulsion should be submitted at least one month before
next conference or conferences, which are the bodies responsible for
- 34 -
consider the issue of collective expulsion. How to obtain deci-
ing for the dismissal procedure is defined unanimity. The team to apopo-
Milli excluded from participation in the decision.
Note: o The way a decision on admission or expulsion of a syllogiko-
Community can be re-addition to the conference and syndia-
thoughts.
B4. Autonomy groups
The cells of the organization are the collectives, which determine the
directions. What is needed is the syllogikopoiisi to a senior
degree and not their leveling in the name of a centralized procedure. Each
group has full autonomy in speech and action unless
contrary to the principles, positions, binding collective decisions and
BY function.
III. Instruments
C1. Congress
The primary decision-making body in relation to the principles, positions, their
objectives, strategy and organizational structure (organs and procedures) is
Congress. The base-cells for decisions under synedri-
th is the collectives involved in it as autonomous entities.
o The venue of the conference will be selected as appropriate by
based on political needs and the material conditions.
o It is the only body that has the power and ability
change / revision of the Statutes (principles, positions, objectives, structure;
operation).
o Each congress is empowered to determine by next of force
po limit of two years.
o The conference will be a general assessment and situation analysis in
issues within the conference.
o The conference will define the general political directions and key
BY objectives, tools and instruments for the realization of stocks
phases.
- 35 -
C2. Conference
The conference is olomeleiako and decisive instrument of the APO. Re-
nektima tactics, deal with current operational issues makes
a progress report on actions and plans new actions.
o The Conference before the conference should prepare the next meeting of
Auditors.
o The conference takes place at least once a year to me-
sodiastima conferences.
o The conference can produce new jobs or to enrich the already
existing, provided they are not confrontational with already katagegramme-
images.
o The conference can and apologizei and enriches already there
pating strategies.
The extraordinary conference may be proposed by one group and
to take place must be approved by 2/3 of the groups members
BY or the permanent organ.
C3. Permanent body
The permanent instrument of the APO has olomeleiako character, consisting
representatives of collectives states. It also's determination
parties and is enforceable between Congresses and syndiaskepse-
s. Therefore, representatives of groups in permanent body must
They have delegated decision-making by their team. Decisions
are taken by synthesis, consensus or, if not possible in this
tactical issues, with an increased majority of 3/5 of attendees
groups.
It meets regularly once a month, while in the meantime the communication
Date of collectives via the forum FROM. Each
collective, local coordinating body or individual has the right to
call an extraordinary meeting of the permanent notifying the cause of emergency
convocation. The meeting of the permanent place either via telephone
conference either in person, if this is necessary. In case
that lasting invited to meet with local coordination request or
individual institution, the convocation is necessary. In case
it is a desire of one or more collectives, the permanent
convened following the agreement of 3/5 of the collectives
FROM.
- 36 -
The permanent body established immediately after each conference and has
responsible for implementing its decisions. Produces speaking on behalf
the FROM and updating the political context of movement defined by
Congress and conferences. In addition, coordinates the individual instruments
(sections, thematic groups, local resonances).
Additionally, it is responsible for the production of political discourse
the APO, monitoring compliance with the general political line of strategic
tural and decisions of congresses and conferences, and has
the political responsibility of the intervention in the political and social field from
together with local resonances and collectives cells. The
work apologizetai congresses and conferences.
In the period between congresses and conferences, the permanent or-
Ganos upholds the decisions of individual institutions and the local sys-
coordination. He has the political responsibility for what is signed
from or to individual organs or local resonances.
If this is not the time needed to approve a
proposal a local coordinating body or individual, the reason
and action to sign the local coordinating body or individual
the proposer. But the responsibility still lies with the accom-
Member of the APO and the final balance of the movement assumes the permanent
organ.
So, where local resonances seek emergency sys-
gklisi the standing, then it must be convened and decide in
space:
a) 8 days, if it is a local issue.
b) three days in the case of extraordinary issues (eg depression, exegersia-
Kd events, emergency calls, etc.).
Finally, any involvement of local resonances or individual organs
FROM the other clusters is not possible without the approval of the
perpetual instrument.
Notes: o The participation of collectives in olomeleiaka decisive instruments
(C1-C3) with occupancy of members if possible at the conference and co
Conference is essential. Any lack of collegiality must be
reasoned. The groups are absent from the decisive olomeleiaka
court bodies must consent to the decisions taken by
them. In tactical issues that decisions are taken by consensus,
- 37 -
synthesis, consensus or vote, the groups will be missed
to declare within a period to be determined by the institution under the
whose decisions are whether they agree / agree with lifthei-
as many decisions and therefore bound to implement them or if they disagree,
therefore not bound. In any case, the failure of groups
absent does not question the decisions of olomeleiakon
decisive bodies. o Decisions in olomeleiaka decisive instruments (C1-C3.) Taken
by these collectives.
C4. Local Resonances
In cities and depending on the potential that still exists and wider geo-
picturesque place where two or more groups are active, sygkro-
sary coordination executive bodies which implement the decisions
the conference, the conference and the permanent institution and analamva-
mind initiatives within the framework and under the conditions set
Congress, the conferences and permanent instrument.
On the local coordination meetings involving all in tons
foot collectives. Local Resonances, as executive bodies, taking
take decisions as defined in regular issues.
The local coordination can not produce jobs, but they
express reason in agreement with the positions APO, which is approved
the continuous body (see. C3).
C5. Work groups
The labor groups are defined groups aimed processing
practical issues. They have firm texture. It is desirable to partici-
pation groups in a cyclical manner.
C6. Sectors
As areas defined fixed structures responsible for the management of
functions and permanent needs of such FROM:
a) the propaganda of positions (eg blog, form, newspaper)
b) the financial needs of FROM (eg fund)
c) communication between its members (eg forums) and communication
with other collectives.
- 38 -
C7. Special thematic groups
Specific thematic groups (eg on labor, looting of nature,
repression, fascism) undertake the production of speech and
processing positions and proposals for action to the permanent coordination
or any other olomeleiako instrument.
Note: o The practical operation of the organization may not be subject to corre-
stumbling majority and minority. Working groups / sectors belong
in organizing and implementing decisions, regardless of how taking
taken decisions. Participants in executive bodies
They have the responsibility of practical functions and permanent needs of the organi-
Union (C5-C6) are not exempt from these when their team disagrees with
a decision taken. To exclude someone, if desired, by
a working group or functional location in one of the
sectors should be replaced and then excluded.
- 39 -
UPDATE IN VIEW OF THE FOUNDING CONGRESS OF A.P.O.
After the pre-conference dialogue and in view of the conference,
We publish the entire sentence of the Statutes (Principles, The-
tions, Objectives, Structure) which will be submitted for ratification at the forthcoming 
conse-
Auditors. In mid-October will be held three open political representatives
statements in Thessaloniki, Patras, Athens to present the Statute
nity and information on the founding of the anarchist policy conference
organization.
Those anarchist collectives interested in more immediate and further
Update can contact in order to anpolorg@gmail.com
become closely updates at meetings of groups of repre-
tatives of the collectives that call in the conference.
If a group wants to conduct open for an expression
sis- renovation the city will be informed by 30 September
December, so have some time to determine if there are opportunities for
its realization.
Participation in the conference of anarchist political organization
The Congress A.P.O. will take place in Athens on 7-8 November. In this
can participate equally in all processes of anarchist
collectives who accept and are committed to seven points under
which provided the political agreement starting the process of
establishment of the organization and also to accept and be bound over
the Statute proposal was the final product of prosyne-
driakou dialogue and submitted for ratification in Congress. The topo-
tioning on the Statute of the collectives that will eventually plaisi-
osoun the organizational task will be recorded in the minutes. Which
changes, additions, corrections will be proposed on the statute will
They constitute the material basis which pre-congress will discuss
groups members of anarchist political organization in view of the next meeting of
Auditors (one year later) where it will validate any amendment.
- 40 -
Statement of participation in the conference of anarchist collectives can
done in the mail anpolorg@gmail.com, to be sent and the full program
conference. Also, the first day of the conference can be Contracting
anarchist collectives participate as an observer in olomeleiakes
procedures stating their placing this in the above mail.
* In these procedures olomeleiakes groups involved in production
observers, if they so wish, they can have at their disposal a
this time placed so in relation to the task of
anarchist political organization and on the political and social
RH juncture, however, the possible positions will not be included
the political declaration of AP

https://maurokokkino1936.wordpress.com/

Greece, Athens, NEW ANARCHIST FEDERATION 7-8 November 2015

Greece, Athens, NEW ANARCHIST FEDERATION 7-8 November 2015
(gr) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)

During the weekend 7-8th of November 2015 the Founding Congress of Anarchist Political 
Organization was held in Athens. It was the culmination of a pre-conference dialogue that 
lasted 2.5 years and was completed in September 2015 with the publication of the draft 
statute and the political call to the founding congress. ---- At the Congress the 
participants discussed the comments, additions and corrections on the draft of the 
statute, the name of the organization and the general understanding of the need to create 
an anarchist political organization. ---- "Anarchist Political Organization - Federation 
of Collectives" was established with a statute and general direction of the organization. 
---- "Anarchist Political Organization has a federal character, it is a federation of 
groups that function together in a horizontal structure. It is established on a coherent 
and sufficient political agreements between anarchist groups that coexist equally and 
which jointly - through collective instruments - shape their common movement on a 
pan-hellenic level.

It seeks the creation of a coherent, radical movement. A movement that blocks any attempt
of manipulation and mediation of social and class struggles and efforts to integrate them 
into reformism. An organization sets out clearly the issue of the social revolution as the 
only realistic way for the oppressed to emancipate themselves from domination; linking 
partial struggles with an overall revolutionary project of overturning the state and capital."

We wish the comrades in Greece all the strenght they need to build a strong organization 
that will be able to create, support and influence the autonomous revolutionary social 
movements.

We hope that we can develop fruitful cooperation between IFA federations and APO in the 
future. To learn from eachother, exchange views, experiences and analysis. To build 
solidarity and mutual support for our struggles and to build common struggles on the 
international level.

"Long live the Social Revolution, the Libertarian Communism and Anarchy!"

Greece, Athens, Libertarian Trade Union (ERC) - Labor counterinformation Bulletin #78 (gr)

(en) Greece, Athens, Libertarian Trade Union (ERC) - Labor
counterinformation Bulletin #78 (gr) [machine translation]

* Two more employers killings occurred the previous time. --- In the first, another man's 
labors lost his life on the race day labor due to lack of security measures. --- In 
particular, 47chronos construction worker and father of three children, was tragically 
killed when he fell from scaffolding while performing work in the shop roof, inside the 
municipal market of Chania. --- The incident occurred Sunday, August 23 and 47chronos 
diekomisthi badly injured by ambulance Ambulances in Chania Hospital, where after three 
hours died from his injuries. ---- In the second employer crime he fell dead worker fire 
broke out in paint factory in the industrial area of ​​Sindos in western Thessaloniki. 
This man of 40 years, father of three children, who was found charred after the fire broke 
out from previously unknown cause.

* Extraordinary announcement issued by the workers in self-managed indu Tuesday, August 
25th. As complain they have seen movements and have information they do not worry about 
the safety of themselves inside the factory VIO.ME. Even warned all concerned not to take 
any action the goal of which is to harm the game and invite all the collectives and all 
fighters who are from the first moment on the side of the employees of Indu, being 
immediate alert to defend the project .

* With a dynamic presence, but without banners and slogans, members of the Union of 
Employees in Private Education Law. Attica 'Byron' and members of the Association of 
Workers in Schools Teachers (Sefko) gathered outside the hotel "Intercontinental", which 
conducted the 30th Annual Conference Europalso, in an attempt to make intervention a few 
minutes. However, the measure is not held as prevented both the cops and the Conference 
organizers. Employees characterize the collective agreement in language schools parody and
refer to legally tricks, a new anti-worker Private contract serfdom.

* In protest show at the Interior Ministry, proceeded Wednesday, August 26, the workers 
and employees in cleaning public schools. The maids and cleaners of public schools 
complain because the contracts have not been renewed even though approaching the 11th 
Sptemvriou, day in which are expected to open schools. Notably in protest attended 
workers-ies in contracted garages. As it became known later, cleaners and cleaners finally 
succeeded two-year extension to their contracts.

* Intervention in store OAED in Kaisariani carried out the Monday, August 24 the 
pentaminites workers in the municipality. At their meeting with the director of the 
Employment Agency, raised the issue of payment of the accrued, unpaid since it is already 
half months. For its part, the director said that can not be paid because the computerized 
system between IKA and the Employment Agency will be ready in early September ....

* But remain unpaid and employees in the "five months" of the Municipality of Peristeri, 
who for this reason they continue their fighting demonstrations. Employees in the "five 
months" have moved already to show protest in OAED claiming to meet.

* In mockery against them denouncing the pentaminites Municipality Likovrisis -Pefkis who 
claim the direct and stable payment of payroll without kathysterisi.Diekdikoun also: 
compliance with health and safety measures, on every employee to tasks assigned based on 
specialty and recruitment and the right to leave and sick leave.

* Incredible but true. Now teachers will be employed through programs "charitable" work 
OAED. One hundred ninety-three educational disciplines positions included in package 
positions "community service". These are positions that appeal to scholars, 
mathematicians, physicists, chemists, teachers of English, French, music, kindergarten 
teachers and pedagogues. In short, the state invites teachers to work under conditions 
galley, covering thousands of gaps in education, starvation wages, they, and those it 
considers someone what generally applies the "community service" is unknown when they will 
receive their.

* Provocative employer interference in union workers in the bauxite mines "European 
Bauxite SA" in Fokis. Following adverse movements of trade union workers in other posts, 
the employers asked workers in the mines to join the association to change the 
associations, meant creating a more favorable climate not for themselves but for the bosses.

* They did a demonstration for the bosses and now that their retaliates with layoffs and 
availabilities. In particular the «Eldorado Gold» rewards .... tsanakoglyftes miners with 
three availability and then a final dismissal of around 2,000 employees .The management of 
«Eldorado Gold» invoked as a pretext the decision of the Ministry of Productive 
Reconstruction, Environment and Energy to proceed withdrawal of approval of the technical 
studies of the Olympics projects and Skouries and the mandate of Northern Greece Mines 
Inspection recess. No sympathy no pity for sold out workers .Kamia solidarity with the 
minions of employers who systrateftikan with bosses defending the capital. No 
MATallorychous tolerance with riot police attacked repeatedly to residents and solidarity.

* Interference with posters and trykakia against the regime of exploitation of hotels in 
Corfu held Thursday, August 20, the Occupation Elea and Corfu Anarchist Group 
Cumulonimbus. The intervention was made on the occasion of the recent events in Ukraine 
learner death from exhaustion in the chain hotel Louissti Zakynktho and beating the 
employee requested the accrual of, the Magna Grecia Hotel Corfu.

* In Rhodes found dead Wednesday, August 26, missing seaman. The 35 year-old Romanian 
sailor was a crew member of the Liberian-flagged tanker «Histria Ambra» and missing since 
Tuesday, the 25th of the month in the Dodecanese, while the ship was sailing in the sea 
area between Rhodes and Karpathos.

* General Assembly held Monday, August 31 redundant textile from ENKLO in Acre, the 
Fintexport and other businesses to organize their struggle. The redundant three textile 
mills require the payment of allowances and accruals owed to them, and taking effective 
measures for the protection and relief of the unemployed and their families.

* Launched the operation of the website of red and black Coordination (Red and Black 
Coordination) in which participates the Libertarian Syndicalist Union. The red and black 
Coordination is an international instrument designed to coordinate the actions unions and 
collectives belonging to the area of ​​self governance, counterpower of 
anarcho-syndicalism, federalism and internationalist labor movement. Site you find at 
http://www.redblack.org/

from the blog of Libertarian Trade Union (ERC) Athens
http://ese.espivblogs.net/?p=1955

(en) Greece, Athens,On Syriza and its victory in the election - by the TPTG (an anti-authoritarian communist group)

On the 25th of January of 2015, for the first time in Greek history, a left-wing party, 
SYRIZA, won the general election with a majority of 36.34%, 8.5 percentage points above 
Nea Dimokratia (?New Democracy?), the traditional right-wing party and the main force of 
the departing government coalition. However, SYRIZA didn?t win an absolute majority since 
it gained 149 seats in parliament (a minimum of 151 seats is needed to win a vote of 
confidence). In consequence, they formed a coalition with ?Anexartitoi Ellines? 
(?Independent Greeks?), a right-wing nationalist populist party which gained 4.75% of the 
votes and 13 seats in parliament. Such a collaboration became possible due to the firm 
opposition of ?Anexartitoi Ellines? to the memoranda austerity programs in the previous 
years despite the great differences in issues like immigration and foreign policy between 
the two parties.

The working class and the petty bourgeoisie vote for SYRIZA was a revenge vote against a 
right-wing government whose harsh austerity programs had disastrous effects on their lives 
and had pushed them to depression and suicidal tendencies. It was a vote against the 
politics of fear that had promoted not only police repression of struggles but also 
numerous daily, small and depressing ?civil wars? among the workers. It was a vote against 
the constant and monotonous propaganda of ?there-is-no-alternative? dogmas. Nothing 
illustrates the popularity of SYRIZA?s alternative political program better than this 
example: inside the Amygdaleza concentration camp, the ?illegal? immigrants who had 
revolted against their incarceration in the summer of 2013 and who are not eligible to 
vote were rhythmically chanting ?Tsipras-Tsipras? in the face of their wardens on the 
night of January 25.

As we will show in greater detail in the remainder of this text, SYRIZA?s main positions 
are a) the write-off of the biggest part of the Greek government debt as well as other 
debt relief measures and b) the abolition of the memoranda austerity (i.e. capital 
devaluation) programs. It is interesting to note that only recently SYRIZA cadres have 
expressed optimistic views concerning the acceptance of their positions and proposals by 
the creditors, i.e. the rest of the EU member-states, the European Central Bank (ECB) and 
the IMF. It is possible that this optimism is connected with the fact that the ongoing 
deflation and stagnation within the European Union, in connection with the recent oil 
price slash, has led to the launching of a very large ?quantitative easing? (QE) 
bond-buying program by the ECB, amounting to 1 trillion euros, to provide demand stimulus 
to the European economies. This recently announced QE strategy signals a policy of 
inflationary devaluation of money capital within EU as a whole, by means of the 
euro-currency depreciation that might prevent the imposition of new harsh austerity 
measures to specific EU-member countries or the tightening up of budget deficits, even 
though this shift does not mean that good ol? fiscal terrorism will be abandoned as a tool 
to attack proletarians in EU.

Furthermore, a few European government officials have expressed support for or sympathy 
with the positions of SYRIZA, such as the finance minister of Ireland who, two weeks 
before the Greek general elections, backed the idea for a European debt conference or the 
chancellor of Austria who criticized the austerity programs and expressed the will to 
discuss specific debt relief measures. It seems that, because of the lingering economic 
stagnation, a small but growing fraction of the European capital is pushing for the 
abandonment of the hard austerity policy promoted by Germany. Recently, several prominent 
economists and financial columnists have not only acknowledged that debt relief is 
necessary but have actually endorsed SYRIZA?s program for the replacement of expenditure 
cuts by demand stimulus spending.[1] Even if Martin Schulz, the German social-democrat 
president of the European Parliament, expressed the conviction that SYRIZA will not 
achieve a haircut on the Greek debt, he nevertheless spoke about proceeding to a ?compromise?.

At the same time it seems possible that SYRIZA will use other instruments of foreign 
policy such as the ability to veto decisions in order to press for concessions from the 
European Union.

?ow SYRIZA came to be the majority party in Greece

SYRIZA is the acronym for ?Synaspismos Rizospastikis Aristeras? which is translated into 
English as ?Coalition of the Radical Left?. SYRIZA was created in January 2004 as a 
coalition of several leftist political parties and groups with the most important ones 
being Synaspismos (Coalition of Left, of Movements and Ecology), AKOA (Renewing Communist 
Ecological Left), KEDA (Movement for the United in Action Left), DEA (Internationalist 
Workers Left) and KOE (Communist Organization of Greece). SYRIZA was transformed into a 
single-party before the general elections of June 2012 when it seemed possible to win the 
elections in order to be eligible to receive the bonus parliamentary seats given to the 
majority party under the current Greek electoral system. Synaspismos was by far the 
strongest and biggest constituent of SYRIZA and was initially formed in 1989 as a 
coalition between KKE (the pro-soviet Communist Party) and Greek Left, the successor of 
KKE Interior (a euro-communist party which split from KKE in 1968). KKE left Synaspismos 
in 1991 when the hard-liner Stalinist faction purged all the more social-democratic 
oriented members, including the General Secretary of the party, who resigned and remained 
in Synaspismos. AKOA split from KKE Interior at the end of the ?80s whereas KEDA split 
from KKE at the beginning of the ?90s. DEA was a split from the Trotskyite Socialist 
Workers? Party (associated with the International Socialist Tendency) and KOE the 
successor of a splinter group from the maoist party KKE-Marxists/Leninists.

The creation of SYRIZA is directly connected with the political ferments and developments 
which took place during the period of the ?anti-globalization? movement and the prevalence 
of the so-called anti-neoliberal discourse within the ranks of the movement. Specifically, 
all these seemingly heterogeneous political groups united around the opposition to the 
neoliberal restructuring of the capitalist welfare state and opted for a return to a more 
social-democratic management of capitalist social relations. The organizational vehicle 
for this unification was the ?Space for Dialogue for the Unity and Common Action of the 
Left? formation which prepared the Greek leftist participation at the 2001 Genoa 
?anti-global? demonstration. Without a doubt, there are still different positions within 
SYRIZA with regard to a series of issues such as the nationalization of banks or the 
participation in the Eurozone but at this point the more ?radical? social democrats, who 
support the nationalization of banks as well as the so-called Euro-sceptics, who are for 
the exit from the Eurozone are at the losing side within the party.

***

Before the outbreak of the ?debt crisis? in 2010 ?which was a manifestation and 
aggravation of the protracted capitalist reproduction crisis in Greece? and the imposition 
of the shock policy of constant and variable capital devaluation through the mechanism of 
the infamous ?memoranda? ?i.e. the austerity programs connected with the loans given by 
the Troika (IMF, ECB, European Union)[2]? in the years that followed, SYRIZA had never won 
more than 5% of the vote in both the European and the national elections. SYRIZA emerged 
as the main opposition party in the repeated general elections of 2012 only after the 
retreat, recuperation or defeat of the struggles against the imposition of the policy of 
capital devaluation (16.78% of the vote in May and 26.9% in June 2012).

This development is greatly related to the central role played by SYRIZA within the 
?movement of the squares? which erupted at the end of May 2011 and lasted in a vigorous 
manner for more than one year. The main manifestation of the ?movement of the squares? in 
Greece was the occupation of Syntagma square (the central square of Athens opposite 
Parliament), which lasted for two months in the summer of 2011. This movement seemed to 
give a perspective of overcoming the sectional logic of the trade unions and a perspective 
of questioning the political parties of the left as alienating forms of representation of 
working class practices as well as the political system as a whole. However, it remained 
at the level of political protest and the demand for ?real / direct democracy?, although 
its role in calling strikes against the medium-term agreement and in the organization of 
the battles against the police forces of capitalist rule in June 2011 was crucial. The 
party mechanism of SYRIZA and other organizations of the left took part incognito in key 
organizational groups in the square and thereby succeeded largely in dominating the 
content and the forms of struggle by promoting a nationalist leftist ideology of ?national 
independence?, ?productive reconstruction of the Greek economy?, ?cancellation of the 
odious part of the debt?, etc. Furthermore, this mechanism did its best to limit the 
struggle to a purely symbolic level, undermining any practical suggestions that were made 
for the expansion of the struggle to the workplaces and the unemployment offices, while it 
promoted provocateurology against those that clashed with the forces of order in mass 
demonstrations at that time.

The ?movement of the squares? was based either on the creation of new ?popular assemblies? 
in the neighbourhoods of Athens and in provincial towns or the temporary reinvigoration of 
already existing ones (with their genealogy going back to the December 2008 revolt). In 
the period following the movement of Syntagma square there was a current of mobilizations 
promoting ?refusal of payments from below? organized mainly by the assemblies. The 
mobilizations mainly focused on the refusal of payment of: a) electricity bills, which at 
this point and for the next 3 years included a surcharge for a new property tax, b) 
transport tickets, the price of which had been increased, and c) highway tolls, which 
have been multiplied and at the same time their fare has been increased. The members of 
SYRIZA and other leftists, who participated in the ?popular assemblies? promoted a shift 
of the focus of the mobilizations from proletarian antagonistic activities ?e.g. the 
reconnection of electricity in working class houses or the blockade / sabotage of ticket 
cancelling machines in the metro stations ? to legal actions which often involved the 
apparatuses of the municipalities administered by left/social democrat mayors.

SYRIZA?s attempts to recuperate the mobilizations were widely successful and a rather easy 
task due to the latter?s interclass composition and political content: the assemblies, 
even when they were predominantly composed of proletarians of all sorts, never defined 
themselves as working class collectivities; they were rather perceived by the majority of 
their members as assemblies of local citizens/private individuals/private property owners. 
From there it was a short step to be subsumed into the social-democratic discourse of 
?citizens? social rights?, ?common goods rights?, etc. which has been promoted by SYRIZA. 
For example, the neighbourhood assemblies have organized a series of so-called solidarity 
activities, such as soup kitchens, self-organized health centers, co-operative (simple) 
commodity exchanges, service exchanges (e.g. foreign language classes) within an 
interclass anti-government framework. This self-managed austerity strategy was widely 
adopted by SYRIZA, which, as will be shown below, has included a ?social? or ?solidarity? 
economy as one of the ?pillars? of its program for the ?productive reconstruction of the 
Greek economy?. Today, SYRIZA controls a plethora of such rank and file ?solidarity? 
organizations including self-organized health centers and pharmacies, commodity exchanges, 
poverty relief groceries, etc. Our position that the boundaries between such projects and 
charities led by the Church and NGOs are blurred has been confirmed by the recent 
declarations of support for the philanthropical mission of the Church, which were 
expressed by the president of SYRIZA at a meeting with the Archbishop in a church charity 
institution. Furthermore, SYRIZA utilized the neighbourhood assemblies in order to 
strengthen its local branches, which often copied the assembly form and recruited members 
from the neighbourhood assemblies.

The ability of SYRIZA to substitute (to a limited, yet substantial, extent) the functions 
of the disintegrating welfare state in Greece has been augmented by its recent gains in 
the local elections. For example, SYRIZA administers the Regional Administration of Attiki 
(the most-populated Greek region where the city of Athens is situated) since September 
2014 and has implemented the reconnection of electricity to a significant number of poor 
households providing 360 euros per year to each household where electricity has been cut off.

Moreover, after the defeat of the struggles in the public sector (with the exception of 
the struggle against the new employee and workplace unit evaluation system, which is still 
pending), a defeat which occurred due to a number of reasons, some of which have been 
presented in our above-mentioned texts, SYRIZA emerged as the political party which would 
restore the status quo ante by cancelling the redundancies and the lay-offs at the 
universities and, more broadly, in the public services and re-opening ERT (the national 
radio and television broadcasting network which was closed down by the previous 
government, dismissing about 3000 employees). In the case of struggles against factory 
closures, SYRIZA has actively promoted the self-management of factories by their former 
employees based on the example of VIOME[3] as well as the organization of the distribution 
of their output through self-organized commodity exchanges without intermediaries. The 
self-management of bankrupt enterprises and the creation of new cooperative enterprises, 
the self-organization of the output distribution/consumption networks and the creation of 
associations of self-managed enterprises that will provide supporting functions such as 
legal, consulting and accounting services ?in order to create economies of scale? or even 
the creation of cooperative credit institutions constitute the program of SYRIZA for the 
?social economy? pillar of their ?productive reconstruction? plan.

On the same terrain of political representation, SYRIZA?s power was augmented by its 
resolute opposition to the extreme right-wing Golden Dawn. Golden Dawn?s impact on the 
national constituency was highly reinforced after the recession of the ?movement of the 
squares?. This movement had combined a grassroots ?revolt from the left? with a ?revolt 
from the right?. After its retreat, the most passive and racist part of the grassroots 
?revolt from the right? against austerity measures found a political representative in 
this political party. This representation was encouraged by the governing right-wing party 
and the mechanisms of the ?deep state?. When its members? physical violence against 
immigrants and leftists ran amok in September 2013 and its autonomisation from the state 
became obvious, their right-wing brothers in government were obliged to put its leadership 
in jail. However, the real winner of this state anti-fascist campaign was SYRIZA, which 
had supported all the anti-fascist activities of the previous years inside and outside 
?popular assemblies?.[4]

The dominance within the anti-austerity movement of the nationalist discourse concerning 
the renegotiation/reduction of government debt ? a statist reduction of payments from 
above (a concern shared also by Golden Dawn) as opposed to the proletarian refusal of 
payments from below ? and the ?productive reconstruction of the Greek economy? combined 
with the dominance of the social-democratic discourse about ?citizens? social rights?, 
?common goods rights?, ?self-management? and the ?social-economy? to pave the way for the 
emergence of SYRIZA as the next ruling party. After actively undermining the potential 
development of the struggles in the workplaces, the squares and the streets into a 
proletarian movement that could threaten the rule of capital and its state, SYRIZA managed 
to transform their defeat into its electoral power. A large section of the working class 
and the petty bourgeoisie rested their hopes for the reversal of the politics of capital 
devaluation on the polling success of SYRIZA. The new government coalition is the 
reconnection of the grassroots ?revolt from the left? with the more active and non-fascist 
?revolt from the right? on the capitalist state level. Normally, this will open up a new 
round of revendicative struggles of the working class and the petty bourgeoisie.

What happens to left political programs when social movements retreat?

It is interesting to draw up a list of the changes of SYRIZA?s political program from 2010 
till today. In order to illustrate the changes more clearly we have divided them into the 
following categories.

Government debt management: the main position of SYRIZA?s program concerning the 
restructuring of government debt has remained the same since 2010, i.e. to renegotiate the 
government debt with the aim of writing-off its biggest part. Recently, they have invoked 
the historical precedent of the 1953 debt relief treaty between the Federal Republic of 
Germany and creditor nations after the London Debt Conference. On the other hand, the main 
changes can be summarized as follows: a) in 2010 and 2011 SYRIZA argued for direct 
borrowing from the European Central Bank (ECB) at very low interest rates, similar to the 
ones offered to private banks, whereas in their most recent program they argue for 
?quantitative easing? policies through the purchase of government bonds by the ECB; b) 
since 2012 SYRIZA has proposed a deferred payment of interest until the Greek economy 
recovers as well as the establishment of an ?economic growth clause? regulating its 
repayment; and c) in 2011 SYRIZA argued for an extensive audit of the government debt in 
order to cancel its odious part, a position which has since been removed from the program. 
It is also telling that in 2010 and 2011 SYRIZA asserted the abolition of the European 
stability pacts whereas in 2015 they just ask for the exclusion of public investment 
programs from the restrictions of the Stability and Growth Pact. Furthermore, in 2010 
SYRIZA advocated the restriction of the free movement of capital e.g. through the 
imposition of the Tobin tax, a position which has since been purged from the program. Last 
but not least, in the program of 2015, SYRIZA calls for the establishment of a substantial 
grace period so that the Greek state will not have to service any debt for a number of 
years in order to immediately channel funds into investment spending as a lever to 
?restart the economy?.

Banking system and private debt: there has been a fundamental change of the program of 
SYRIZA with regard to the banking system. In particular, in 2010 and 2011 SYRIZA advocated 
the nationalization of the banks whereas in 2015 they are only speaking about the 
establishment of a public investment bank and a number of specialized public credit 
institutions for small enterprises, self-managed enterprises and farmers. Every reference 
to the nationalization of banks has been erased. Since 2011 SYRIZA has included in its 
program a provision for the settlement of non-performing loans of households and 
enterprises while the 2015 program promises that the auctioning of primary residences will 
be forbidden. Moreover, the 2015 program advocates the settlement of private debts to the 
state due to taxation or due to outstanding contributions to the social security funds by 
setting upper limits to debt installments, which will be connected to household income. At 
the same time, they promise to stop property foreclosures and criminal prosecutions of 
individuals, who will voluntarily settle their debts to the state.

Privatizations / nationalizations: SYRIZA has not changed its position about stopping the 
privatization of public utilities, public enterprises and infrastructure. However, its 
initial position in 2010 to ?gradually? re-nationalize ?strategic enterprises? such as 
telecommunications, electricity and infrastructure such as ports, airports and roads has 
gradually been abandoned. Since 2012, SYRIZA has connected the re-nationalization of 
?strategic enterprises and infrastructure? with the availability of funds in order to buy 
out stocks and property rights, a condition which practically means that 
re-nationalization will not take place. Also, since 2012 SYRIZA has advocated the transfer 
of the ownership of natural and mineral resources to a public treasury in order to use 
them as collateral for the issuance of government bonds. Their position in 2010 for the 
re-regulation of the market (utilities, etc.) has been abandoned.

Public investment: SYRIZA programs have not changed since 2010 with regard to their 
intention to increase public investment as a lever both for growth and for the so-called 
productive reconstruction of the economy. In this context, they promise to raise the 
expenditure on scientific research, mainly conducted in the Greek universities, and 
facilitate certain industries (e.g. medicine production). In 2015, SYRIZA is calling for a 
European ?new deal? that will reverse deflation and fuel growth in Europe through an 
EU-backed public investment program.

Taxation / expenditures: the position of SYRIZA in 2010 and 2011 of imposing a tax of 45% 
on the undistributed profits of big capitalist enterprises has been erased from its 
program since 2012. Also, their promise of abolishing tax exemptions for shipping capital 
in 2010 and 2012 has been watered down since in their most recent program they only talk 
about reviewing all exemptions and the abolition of only those, which are ?not related to 
shipping activity per se?. As far as the taxation of ?natural persons? is concerned, the 
2010-11 position of increasing direct taxation of the richer strata has disappeared, 
whereas in the program of 2015 they are only speaking about the gradual reduction of 
indirect taxation ?after deliberation?, contrary to their position in 2010 for an 
immediate reduction of indirect taxes and their position in 2012 for the reduction of 
value added tax in tourism and dining. However, in the 2015 program SYRIZA promises to 
increase tax-free income for all natural persons to 12.000 euros, to abolish the new 
property tax, the heating oil tax and the poll tax imposed on self-employed workers. 
Furthermore, they promise to reduce the tax burden of small enterprises. As far as state 
expenditures are concerned, during 2010 and 2011 SYRIZA advocated increasing social 
expenditure and the reduction of defense expenditure whereas after 2012 SYRIZA has only 
talked about freezing the reduction in social expenditure. After 2014 their position is 
that they will maintain a balanced government budget, a position which is usually 
equivalent to the continuation of austerity despite and in contradiction with their promises.

Wages / labour relations: the program of SYRIZA in 2010 promised an increase in wages, 
pensions and unemployment benefits. In 2011 their position had changed to the immediate 
restoration of wages and pensions to the levels of 2009, before the imposition of the 
memoranda programs. In 2012 they only advocated freezing wage and pension reductions and 
the gradual restoration of wages to the levels of 2009, whatever is meant by that, and 
only promised the immediate restoration of the minimum wage. In 2015 they are just 
promising the immediate restoration of the minimum wage to the levels of 2009. As far as 
labour (i.e. exploitation) relations are concerned, in 2010 they advocated the imposition 
of new restrictions on lay-offs whereas after 2012 they have only promised to abolish the 
2010 legislation, which provides for the ?liberalization? of the labour market by making 
lay-offs easier, reducing severance pay and limiting the application of collective 
agreements. SYRIZA still advocates the reduction of precarious labour through the 
abolition of indirect employment and the curbing of outsourcing in the public sector. 
However, they contradictorily admit that they will use subsidized programs of temporary 
labour in municipalities as well as ?training programs? in order to reduce unemployment. 
Also in the programs of 2012 and 2015 SYRIZA promises the criminalization of employing 
undeclared (?black?) labour and the reinforcement of the state agency which observes 
labour legislation. Last, in their most recent program they promise to fully restore 
Sunday holidays for retail shops.

Benefits: SYRIZA promised in 2010 to increase unemployment benefits. In their most recent 
program their position is just to restore unemployment benefits to 2009 levels (461 euros 
for 12 months). In 2012 they promised to extend unemployment benefits to the self-employed 
while in the 2015 program they are talking about the redesign of unemployment benefits in 
order to cover part of those self-employed workers without income. While they advocated 
the extension of the duration of unemployment benefits to 2 years in 2012, in their most 
recent program they promise such an extension only for long-term unemployed workers. 
However, they promise to abolish the imposed restriction on the total length of benefits 
(400 total subsidized day benefits per 4 year period). Also, they have included in their 
recent program a number of benefits for the alleviation of extreme poverty, i.e. free 
electricity and food tickets for 300.000 households, free housing for homeless people 
through the utilization of empty municipal buildings and empty hotels which will be 
subsidized, free medical care for the unemployed and people with no social security, free 
transport for the unemployed and workers with a very low-income. SYRIZA had understood 
that it could gain many votes by promising to provide a pittance to the significant group 
of pauperized households.

Pensions: back in 2010 SYRIZA promised to abolish all the laws that had attacked social 
security rights and pensions since 1990 and recognize the debts of the state to the social 
security funds. In the 2012 program this position had been erased and they only promised 
to restore employer contributions to their previous higher levels, fight contribution 
evasion by employers, freeze pension reductions, ?gradually restore pensions? to their 
previous levels and abolish the 2011 exemption of many jobs from the ?hazardous 
occupation? category which is favorable to workers. As was mentioned above, the promise of 
2010-11 to restore pensions to 2009 levels has been replaced both in the 2012 and the 2015 
programs by a promise to freeze pension reductions. Furthermore, in the 2015 program they 
claim that they will review the exemption of jobs from the ?hazardous occupation? 
category, contrary to their 2012 promise to immediately abolish this exemption. They also 
claim that they will reduce retirement ages by 2 years, i.e. restore retirement age to 65 
years for full pensions and to 60 years for reduced pensions. Moreover, they promise to 
abolish the new method for calculating pensions after 1/1/2015, as well as the 
restrictions for the award of a reduced pension which exclude many workers from the right 
to a pension (i.e. according to these restrictions, a worker should have made 
contributions for 100 workdays per year within the last 5 years).

?Social economy? (self-managed sector): in 2010 the program of SYRIZA did not give much 
emphasis to the ?social economy? apart from a reference to supporting farmer associations. 
This started to change in 2012 when the program promised to provide incentives and 
accommodations for the development of the ?social economy?. This has completely changed in 
the 2015 program, where it becomes evident that SYRIZA gives much weight to this sector 
both for the reduction of unemployment and for the ?productive reconstruction of the 
economy?. This change reflects the growth of the ?social economy? sector, as more and more 
proletarians partially cover their needs or even make both ends meet by engaging either in 
such projects or in low cost businesses. Specifically, they promise to help the takeover 
and self-management of bankrupt enterprises by changing the bankruptcy law. Also they 
promise to support cooperative enterprises and associations through tax exemptions, 
European subsidies, funding by specialized public credit institutions as well as through 
the creation of supporting facilities providing consulting, accounting and legal services.

Public sector jobs: The 2012 program promised the abolition of the law for redundancies 
and lay-offs in the public sector. In the program of 2015, SYRIZA promises that public 
sector workers, who have been laid off or made redundant, will return to their previous 
positions. They also promise to abolish the new employee and unit evaluation system and 
replace it with an evaluation system that will be based on ?objective factors and 
indicators?, whatever is meant by that. Furthermore, they intend to aboolsh the new strict 
disciplinary law for public sector workers which was imposed in the context of the 
memoranda legislation. Last but not least, they promise the creation of thousands of 
permanent stable public sector jobs in education, health care and social protection as a 
part of their commitment to create 300.000 jobs in total in the public, the private and 
the self-managed sectors.

***

The previously presented and rather long-drawn out catalogue of the changes in the program 
of SYRIZA illustrates convincingly the gradual watering down of its positions towards a 
more timid social democratic direction, as well as their contradictions. The gradual 
adjustment of SYRIZA to realpolitik shows that, after pruning out most of the positions, 
which are considered to be unacceptable from the standpoint of the dominant neoliberal 
capitalist strategy in the Eurozone, and by keeping and maybe enriching the most harmless 
ones such as those concerning the so-called social economy, it can transform itself into a 
?fresh? and rather competent manager of the capitalist state.

TPTG, January 2015

Appendix: On some theoretical debates inside SYRIZA that were quickly put aside

The anti-state communist minority in Europe and elsewhere, who still concern themselves 
with issues of communization, the capitalist state and value theory might be interested to 
know that one of the main architects of SYRIZA?s program ? and a member of the negotiating 
team of the new government with the rest of the EU member-states ? was, until some years 
ago, the main theoretician of the Althusserian faction of SYRIZA and a leading critic of 
the neo-gramscian state theory and the left ricardian labour theory of value!

Here are some interesting quotes from his texts:

It?s the parliamentary ?filtering? of different class practices (the practices not only of 
the bourgeoisie and its allies but also of the working class and its allies) that makes 
their ?representation? inside the state feasible; that makes their subsumption to the 
general capitalist interest practicable? It?s not a particular party but the whole 
parliamentary system that ties the lower classes to the ?political class? of capitalist 
rule. It?s not a particular party but the capitalist state as a whole that constitutes the 
real ?party?, the real ?representative? of capital, the political condensation of 
capitalist rule. That?s why, since the era of Marx, all the ?visions? and the attempts of 
the reformist political vehicles to ?conquer? and socialize the state have ended to the 
nationalization of the visionaries and a rude awakening.[5]

Classical political economy was an embodied labour theory of value and a theory of the 
exploitation of wage labourers by propertied classes. The main currents of Marxism adopted 
this classical theory of value and exploitation by removing Marx?s critique of it. This 
theoretical mutation is closely connected to the ideological and political mutation of the 
Left from a movement of radical contestation to a power of management and reform of the 
capitalist system? In its ?conservative? version this problematic raises the issues of the 
?fair? pay of the worker, her ?dignified living conditions?, pay rises in accordance to 
productivity of labour etc. In other words, the immediate demands of the workers in their 
conflict with capital are raised to the status of a ?social ideal?, since the forms of 
capitalist relations of power are taken as a ?necessary fact?. In its ?radical? version 
this classical theory of value and exploitation envisages a ?capitalism without private 
capitalists?: ?socialization?, i.e. public property of the means of production goes hand 
in hand with the maintenance of all forms of the capitalist economy and the capitalist 
state? The transition from capitalism to communism is necessarily related to the abolition 
of value form, i.e. money and the commodity, and the form of enterprise.[6]

Fair enough, Dr. Milios! Thanks for this excellent critique of reformist politics! But 
what has this self-understanding got to do with SYRIZA?s program? Absolutely nothing! The 
problem of the disconnection of theory and practice is well known in the revolutionary 
movement ever since the era of German social democracy. Many decades ago, Paul Mattick had 
criticized Kautsky for his inability to imagine that a Marxist theory should be 
supplemented by an adequate Marxist practice. So, his understanding ?that for Marx, value 
is a strictly historical category; that neither before nor after capitalism did there 
exist or could there exist a value production which differed only in form from that of 
capitalism? was totally useless.[7]

With the academicization and professionalization of Marxist theory in the last decades 
things have become even worse. In public political meetings, conferences, reading groups, 
summercamps, demos etc. one constantly comes upon hundreds of leftist PhD students, 
researchers, journalists etc. Most of the times one finds oneself wondering whether it is 
a genuine interest in anti-capitalist politics that brought them there or if this 
involvement is just a necessary step towards a profession guaranteed by the capitalist 
state, a capitalist enterprise or a reformist party.

Footnotes

[1] In a letter sent to Financial Times on 22/1/2015 entitled ?Europe will benefit from 
Greece being given a fresh start?, Stiglitz, Pissarides and other ?top? bourgeois 
economists supported a) the replacement of public expenditure cuts with public investment 
programs that will increase demand and stimulate growth as well as with ?more efficient 
tax collection?; b) a ?further conditional increase in the grace period, so that Greece 
does not have to service any debt, for example for the next five years and then only if 
Greece is growing at 3% or more?; c) ?debt reduction, especially of bilateral official 
debt to further increase the fiscal space available? and d) ?significant money for 
efficient investment projects, especially for exports?. The same letter recalled the 
substantial debt relief of the German debt in the 1950s and essentially replicated many 
proposals originally put forward by SYRIZA.



[2] For an extensive analysis of the capitalist crisis, its management by the Greek state 
and the Capitalist International (IMF, EU, ECB, etc.) and the class struggles that took 
place in Greece after 2010, see our texts: ?Burdened with debt?, ?Preliminary notes 
towards an account of the ?movement of popular assemblies??, ?Down with the Stalinists! 
Down with the Bureaucrats?, ?Burdened with debt reloaded?, ?Counting Defeats: Internal 
devaluation, the failure of working class struggles in Greece & the Sino-Greek ?success 
story?? and the interview of our group by Juraj Katalenac ?An Interview? which are 
available at: http://www.tptg.gr/?page_id=105.

[3] VIOME is a building material factory, a subsidiary of Filkeram & Johnson, which has 
been taken over by its workers after its bankruptcy and abandonment by its owners. For 
more information cf. http://www.viome.org/.

[4] For more about the issue of fascism/antifascism in Greece, see our forthcoming text 
?Antifascism vs fascism: the first time as tragedy, the second time as farce?.

[5] John Milios, Marxism as conflict of currents, Athens, 1996.

[6] John Milios, The critique of political economy as a critique of the Left, Theseis 
#101, 2007. This interpretation of Marx?s theory is based on Michael Heinrich?s work and 
the Neue Marx-Lekt?re school of thought but we can?t go into details here.

[7] The quote is from Paul Mattick, Karl Kautsky: From Marx to Hitler, Living Marxism, 
vol.4, #7, 1939.