(en) Brazil, Greetings to fellow Anarchist Federation of Rio de Janeiro for 10 years of Struggle , Resistance , Organized Anarchism " ... The path of social life leads to more rational way to organize it according to directions , conditions , needs , requirements passionate about life itself . This is the broad people's path , the path of real emancipation , more complete and accessible to all , and therefore popular. anarchist revolution the path is traced by the people." ---- Bakunin ---- August 30, 2003 , was reaching 1 year of existence of the Forum of Organized Anarchism and with the emergence of the Anarchist Federation of Rio de Janeiro ( FARJ ) . Ten years have passed , a decade of existence full of commitment to social struggle and the building of a strong people . Comrades who have shoulder to shoulder in peleia federalist especifista , classist and combative. We militants Swoop Libertarian , we want to demonstrate that our joy salute the commitment and effort of each partner and companion that animates our struggle for land in Mato Grosso , playing the important role of internationalization in the breaking of barriers , in marriage , in mutual support and solidarity of class seeking to build with honesty and responsibility , Popular Power and Libertarian Socialism ! Even though sometimes try to silence us , which is on the corner where we operate together through the Brazilian Anarchist Coordination ( CAB ) , we know that we will always be strong and united . With that salute the comrades, and men and women who organize the Anarchist Federation of Rio de Janeiro , by putting themselves in struggle and resistance printed on 10 years of the organization. Heirs of wrestlers who have died throughout course of the twentieth century , fighting , organizing and demonstrating that Anarchism is Organized , Social , and Combative Classista ! This is a small and sincere greetings of comrades here Cuiab? . By Organized Anarchism and Combative ! For Building a Strong People ! By Popular Struggle and Organized : Fighting, Create , People Power ! Anarchist Federation of Rio de Janeiro ? THIS , THIS , THIS . ALWAYS ! Arriba LXS What Luchan Carajo ! Swoop Libertarian - MT CAB - Brazilian Anarchist Coordination and Social ! by Rusga Libertaria (pt)

" ... The path of social life leads to more rational way to organize it according to 
directions , conditions , needs , requirements passionate about life itself . This is the 
broad people's path , the path of real emancipation , more complete and accessible to all 
, and therefore popular. anarchist revolution the path is traced by the people." ---- 
Bakunin ----  August 30, 2003 , was reaching 1 year of existence of the Forum of Organized 
Anarchism and with the emergence of the Anarchist Federation of Rio de Janeiro ( FARJ ) . 
Ten years have passed , a decade of existence full of commitment to social struggle and 
the building of a strong people . Comrades who have shoulder to shoulder in peleia 
federalist especifista , classist and combative.
 
We militants Swoop Libertarian , we want to demonstrate that our joy salute the commitment 
and effort of each partner and companion that animates our struggle for land in Mato 
Grosso , playing the important role of internationalization in the breaking of barriers , 
in marriage , in mutual support and solidarity of class seeking to build with honesty and 
responsibility , Popular Power and Libertarian Socialism ! Even though sometimes try to 
silence us , which is on the corner where we operate together through the Brazilian 
Anarchist Coordination ( CAB ) , we know that we will always be strong and united .
With that salute the comrades, and men and women who organize the Anarchist Federation of 
Rio de Janeiro , by putting themselves in struggle and resistance printed on 10 years of 
the organization. Heirs of wrestlers who have died throughout course of the twentieth 
century , fighting , organizing and demonstrating that Anarchism is Organized , Social , 
and Combative Classista !
 
This is a small and sincere greetings of comrades here Cuiab? .
By Organized Anarchism and Combative !
For Building a Strong People !
By Popular Struggle and Organized : Fighting, Create , People Power !
Anarchist Federation of Rio de Janeiro ? THIS , THIS , THIS . ALWAYS !
Arriba LXS What Luchan Carajo !
 
Swoop Libertarian - MT
CAB - Brazilian Anarchist Coordination
 

(en) Anarkismo.net: (Re)Constructing a Global Anarchist and Syndicalist Canon by Lucien van der Walt

a response to Robert Graham and Nathan Jun on ?Black Flame' ---- This article defends the 
argument that anarchism/syndicalism emerged in the 1860s, as a libertarian form of 
socialism, opposed to social and economic hierarchy/inequality, favouring international 
class struggle and revolution, from below, for a self-managed, socialist, stateless order; 
it defends the necessity using a truly global history and analysis, placing the colonial 
and postcolonial world, and a wide range of mass movements, centre-stage, in order to 
grasp the "canon" of texts/thinkers/theories that must be ?regarded as authoritative for 
anarchist thought and practice or especially significant in the historical development of 
anarchism?. It rejects claims that anarchism is a timeless "orientation" existing outside 
of contexts and classes, and demonstrates the methodological and analytical problems that 
arise from such approaches, including tautology, assertion and selective use of evidence.
 
 
A response to Robert Graham and Nathan Jun on ?Black Flame'
 
'Anarchist Developments in Cultural Studies', special issue on 'Blasting the Canon', No. 1 
(2013), pp. 193-203.
 
 
Robert Graham's and Nathan Jun's thought-provoking interventions in this special issue on 
'Blasting the Canon', regarding Michael Schmidt's and my Black Flame: The Revolutionary 
Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism (2009), is welcomed. It is a pleasure to 
engage two thoughtful writers, and their considerations on the anarchist canon - i.e., the 
texts/thinkers/theories that (as Jun argues) should be 'regarded as authoritative for 
anarchist thought and practice or especially significant in the historical development of 
anarchism'.
 
GRAHAM'S AND JUN'S CRITICISMS - AND MY CORE RESPONSE
 
Black Flame made a wide range of arguments - about, for example, the social basis of 
anarchist peasant uprisings, the movement's anti-colonial/anti-imperialist struggles, 
approaches to gender and unionism, struggle for the city etc. It has, of course, also 
spurred debates on anarchist (and syndicalist) theory, history and canon - such debate was 
one of its stated intentions (van der Walt and Schmidt 2009: 26-27).
 
The argument that is at issue with Graham and Jun is a fairly small part of Black Flame - 
the claim that anarchism (and its offshoot, syndicalism) is a distinctly modern 
phenomenon, born in the international socialist/ working class movement-specifically, the 
First International (1864-1877).
 
Here, in debates with Marxists and others, anarchism emerged as a distinct current, 
centred on the Alliance of Socialist Democracy: core members included Bakunin, Kropotkin 
and Malatesta. Anarchism was a libertarian form of socialism, opposed to social and 
economic hierarchy/inequality, favouring international class struggle and revolution, from 
below, for a self-managed, socialist, stateless order; syndicalism is one anarchist 
strategy (van der Walt and Schmidt 2009: 71, 170).
 
Graham objects, claiming that Black Flame's approach is 'narrow' and 'extraordinary' (by 
excluding certain trends), 'circular' in approach, contradictory (for supposedly insisting 
that anarchism be 'internally coherent,' while tolerating an incoherent 'socialism' 
encompassing Marxism and anarchism), and closed to 'significant departures or 
modifications' or 'refinement' (thus, 'dogma').
 
Jun claims it is circular, with a 'No True Scotsman' fallacy (setting arbitrary, shifting 
standards for inclusion into 'anarchism'). He rejects its (supposed) claim that anarchism 
is 'whatever the mainstream' of 'historical anarchism' accepted (since this might leave 
out other 'anarchist' views). He claims this is like asking a medieval European Catholic 
for a general survey of Christianity.
 
Both favour a vague (they say, 'broad') definition: for Graham, this means the 
'possibility of anarchist doctrines arising independently in different eras and 
circumstances,' with anarchism having 'different schools, currents and tendencies.' Jun is 
more sweeping: 'anarchism' is not a 'doctrine,' but an 'orientation' 'throughout human 
history,' while not admitting this entails 'mass excommunications.'
 
I suggest, however, that these are serious misrepresentations of the Black Flame 
methodology, claims and coverage - Schmidt and I provide a historically-based argument 
that tracks the rise of anarchism (and syndicalism), summarises its key claims, traces its 
evolution and spread, analyses its key debates and moments - this is a fairly standard 
social science approach, not an exercise in arbitrary boundary setting. And, rather than 
being 'narrow', it uses a truly global history and analysis, placing the colonial and 
postcolonial world, and a wide range of mass movements, centre-stage.
 
Secondly, I demonstrate that Graham's and Jun's alternative approaches are far from 
satisfactory: both claims for multiple 'anarchisms' are simply assertions, resting on a 
priori positions that lack a clear methodological rationale or empirical basis, and that 
are constructed in ways rendering any falsification impossible. Neither provides reasoned 
grounds, nor evidence, for the supposed superiority of their alternative definitions.
 
Both authors, in short, manifestly fail to apply to their own approaches the same 
standards of rigour they demand from Black Flame. I submit that a historical, as opposed 
to a speculative approach, is more justified, and more fruitful.
RESPONSE: A HISTORICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL METHODOLOGY
 
Graham and Jun dispute dating anarchism to the 1860s.
 
It is a matter of record, however, that the anarchist movement appeared as something new 
to its contemporaries, rivals, and adherents; with this appearance, anarchism first became 
the topic of scholarly enquiry, police investigation, and media attention (Fleming 1979: 
17-19). Even writers favouring exceedingly loose definitions of 'anarchism' concede that 
'anarchism' did not previously exist as a 'political force' (see, for example, Joll 1964: 
58, 82, 84; Woodcock 1975: 136, 155, 170) - as, so indeed, does Jun, with his allusion to 
'historical anarchism' (is there a different kind?).
 
The very question of whether there were earlier or 'different schools, currents and 
tendencies' of anarchism (Graham), or an anarchist 'orientation' 'throughout human 
history' (Jun) could not even be posed before this moment.
 
It is, then, anachronistic to represent this new, specifically, consciously 'anarchist' 
movement (and its syndicalist branch) as but one in a number of anarchist 'schools' 
'throughout history.'
 
It was, and is, one of several more-or-less libertarian 'currents,' including socialist 
variants like autonomia (van der Walt and Schmidt 2009: 71-71). But to conflate these very 
different approaches with anarchism is unnecessary.
 
It also requires gutting the 'anarchist' movement of its specificities, while forcing the 
others into a single 'anarchist' category. And to make the effort to include Stirner, 
Zerzan, etc. into 'anarchism' has little real justification (besides a sort of dogmatic 
convention), yet is analytically costly.
 
By contrast, Black Flame consciously undertakes defining 'anarchism' (and thus, 
considering its ideology, history and canon) through a broad, global, representative 
overview of the history of this new worldwide historical and social phenomenon through 
examining a wide range of cases.
 
Building on the Age of Revolutions, located in the 'capitalist world' and the working 
class and socialism 'it created' (van der Walt and Schmidt 2009: 96), anarchism was 
'simultaneously and transnationally' constituted by a radical network in North Africa, 
Latin America, and Europe (van der Walt and Hirsch 2010: liv). It then expanded globally, 
its first mass formations including Cuba, Mexico, Spain, and the United States.
 
By focusing on this movement, and taking a global view, Black Flameabstracts the core, 
shared features of its ideology, it's often misunderstood relationship with syndicalism, 
unpacks its major debates, divisions and developments, and its core social features - for 
example, the class character of its urban mass base.
 
This historical and sociological approach forms the basis for the conclusion Graham so 
hotly rejects: there 'is only one anarchist tradition, and it is rooted in the work of 
Bakunin and the Alliance' (van der Walt and Schmidt 2009: 71).
 
To describe this methodology as 'completely circular' (Graham), or as entailing a 'No True 
Scotsman' fallacy, or 'excommunications' (Jun), is a complete caricature, a failure to 
take seriously the core analysis Schmidt and I developed.
Contra Graham, moreover, Black Flame does not require that anarchism be reduced to 
'self-described anarchists': it only requires ideological and organisational lineage. The 
IWW thus fits in the broad anarchist tradition; Stirner does not. It does not require that 
anarchism be 'internally coherent' (Graham), but merely claims that it was; this was a 
description.
 
There is no contradiction between a focused, precise definition, and a rich, nuanced, and 
broad account; the bulk of Black Flame provides a detailed history of the 
anarchist/syndicalist tradition, past and present.
RESPONSE: 'NARROW' - OR GOING GLOBAL?
 
Graham's charge that Black Flame has a 'narrow' approach is unconvincing.
 
Black Flameis perhaps the only truly global, non-Eurocentric survey of the theory and 
history of anarchism (and syndicalism), covering 150 years, and the only thorough survey 
of the tradition's internal debates, again with a global - not a 'narrow'- view. Indeed, 
it is precisely this scope that makes Black Flame peculiarly central to any serious debate 
on the meaning of 'anarchism' and its canon.
 
This is radically different to the narrowly North Atlantic framing that dominates the 
standard English-language surveys - due credit must be given to Joll, Woodcock, and 
Marshall for their pioneering works, but it cannot be denied they almost entirely ignored 
the world outside of (only parts of) Western Europe and North America. [1]
 
Compounding this profound imbalance, such works discuss at length obscure Western figures 
like Stirner, whose historical importance is trivial, and links to anarchism doubtful. 
This problem continues today, with marginal Americans like Rothbard, Zerzan, etc., 
constituting common fare in 'standard' surveys-whilst major figures like Liu, Flores 
Mag?n, J.C. Mechoso, Shin, Szab?, Thibedi, etc. are (at best) passing asides.
 
But with a worldwide view, trivialities in the West fade away in the light shed by truly 
important moments elsewhere. It is, then, rather peculiar to present Black Flame as 
'narrow,' because it has a global sense of perspective.
 
Yet Graham continues: Black Flame has a problematic focus on 'the more narrow' world of 
'class struggle anarchism.'
 
What exactly is 'narrow' about this world? It is, by any measure, far larger and more 
influential than any other contender for the 'anarchist' label; a focus on it is 
necessary, not 'narrow.'
 
This is the anarchism of towering figures, from insurrectionists (who Jun incorrectly 
assumes are excluded from Black Flame) like Galleani, to mass anarchists and syndicalists 
like Bakunin, Chu, Durruti, Goldman, Gutarra, Kim Jwa-Jim, Kropotkin, Makhno, Malatesta, 
?sugi, Rocker, and every historically important anarchist/syndicalist formation, from the 
Argentinean FORA and Voz de la Mujer, to Spain's CNT and Mujeres Libres, to the global 
IWW, South Africa's ISL/IWA, the Hunan Workers' Association, FAU/OPR-33, the Korean 
?iy?ltan, etc.
 
What 'school' of significance is lost by this focus? This is the force that activated 
revolutions in Spain, Ukraine, and Manchuria, and demonstrated anarchism was a means to 
change the world.
RESPONSE: 'DOGMA' OR LIVING TRADITION, CENTRAL TODAY?
 
Does Black Flame's focus somehow turn 'anarchism from a living tradition into a historical 
relic or dogma' (Graham)? No, since 'class struggle anarchism' (his term) has a rich, 
powerful history, and is also a 'living tradition'.
 
This is the tradition represented today by such key examples as the Spanish CGT and CNT, 
the Chilean FEL, Brazilian FARJ and Uruguayan FAU, the IWA/AIT, Egyptian LSM and other 
Africans, Anarkismo.net, the Greek rebels, and innumerable local groups and projects 
worldwide.
 
Notions popularised by certain academic texts - that worker-peasant anarchism has been 
superseded or overwhelmed by a post-1945 'new anarchism' (e.g., Woodcock, 1975) - are 
highly misleading, even for the West today.
 
Graham worries that a strict definition will mean that 'significant departures or 
modifications' will entail exclusion from 'anarchist status.' But every definition implies 
exclusion. Example: Russian 'anarchist' Bill Shatov's 'modifications' included, as 
Petrograd Bolshevik police chief in 1918, crushing anarchists (Bryant 1923). Must he 
perpetually retain 'anarchist status'?
 
Graham notes that some figures in the anarchist tradition (like Landauer) drew on other 
ideas (like Tolstoy). Black Flame's point, however, is that what a tradition shares 
constitutes its defining features, the parameters for 'refinement.' (And Landauer, Tolstoy 
aside, was an anarchist, who died for the Munich councils revolution.)
RESPONSE: ONE, TWO, THREE MANY "ANARCHISMS"?
 
Of course, there are probably libertarian elements in all cultures, religions and 
historical periods (and most modern political ideologies).
 
But are these all anarchist? Graham and Jun insist they are, and claim this approach has 
support from 'notable members' of 'historical anarchism' like Kropotkin and Rocker.
 
This latter claim is indeed true - but does not resolve the matter.
 
Is this not precisely the methodological error that Jun claims of Black Flame : asking a 
medieval Catholic for a survey of Christianity? Further, if anarchism arises 
'independently in different eras and circumstances,' or 'throughout history,' why should 
Kropotkin have decisive weight? But if Kropotkin does, then why should his movement's 
politics not define the parameters of anarchism?
 
Yet Graham and Jun must invoke Kropotkin and Rocker, since it would be obviously 
anachronistic (and futile) to consult the works of those outside Kropotkin's tradition 
(e.g., Lao, Winstanley, Godwin and Stirner) for opinions on the general history of 
'anarchism'.
 
Graham and Jun are also engaging here in a rather selective reading, skipping over 
Kropotkin's and Rocker's writings that make claims identical to Black Flame: anarchism as 
new, revolutionary, socialism (e.g., Kropotkin 1927: 46, 289-290; Rocker [1938]1989: 
23-24, 34-35). It was, indeed, Kropotkin - and not Black Flame, as Jun suggests - who 
termed Stirnerism 'misanthropic bourgeois individualism', opposed to anarchism's 
'communist sociability' (van der Walt and Schmidt 2009: 47-48).
 
What Graham and Jun also miss is that Kropotkin and Rocker were increasingly involved in 
manufacturing, for the controversial, embattled, anarchist movement, a legitimating 
propaganda mythology. This centred on precisely the claim that 'anarchism' existed 
'throughout history' that Jun favours.
 
This myth-making was only possible once anarchism had emerged in the 1860s - it started 
around 40 years later. It is a claim to antiquity by a new movement, no more evidently 
true than equivalent nationalist myths. Both anarchist and nationalist myths have an 
obvious political function, but they are analytically misleading and often demonstrably 
false: Kropotkin's work in this genre was marked by contradictory claims and rather 
dubious readings of past trends.[2]
 
While many are (rightly) sceptical of nationalist mythologies, anarchist mythology 
continues to have a firm grip. Yet rather than interrogate such claims, many activists and 
scholars compound the problem by grouping widely different libertarian (and not so 
libertarian) strands into 'anarchism', sometimes by selecting an (arbitrary) group of 
writers (e.g., Eltzbacher's 'seven sages' approach: [1900] 1960), sometimes by creating 
vast compendiums of anything vaguely libertarian (Marshall [2008] starts with prehistory).
 
But this sort of exercise requires anachronistic, selective readings of the past, and such 
exceedingly vague (and often shifting) definitions of 'anarchism' as to render the term 
meaningless. For example, bringing Stirner into the same category as Bakunin requires 
eliding great differences, effectively reducing anarchism to 'negating the state' 
(Eltzbacher [1900] 1960: 189, 191, 201).
 
Two major problems then arise.
 
First, the boundaries such an exercise requires are necessarily shaky. For example, if 
anarchists are those who merely 'negate the state', they must include Marxist-Leninists 
seeking the state's 'withering away' (e.g., Mao [1949] 1969: 411), and neo-liberals 
opposed to statism (e.g., Thatcher, 1996). Since neither trend appears in most surveys of 
anarchism (except Marshall 2008: xiii, 517-518, 560), their exclusion is arbitrary and/or 
a de facto admission of the stated definition's fallacy.
 
Either way, the loose definition is unjustifiable, lacking clear criteria for inclusion 
and exclusion.
RESPONSE: ON METHODOLOGY AND ALTERNATIVES
 
Secondly, the arbitrary nature of the loose approach to studying 'anarchism' is exposed. 
An approach that seeks to assimilate as much as possible to 'anarchism' - presenting 
'anarchism' not as a concrete historical phenomenon, but as multiple 'doctrines arising 
independently' (Graham) or an 'orientation' 'throughout history' (Jun) - must start from a 
preset definition of anarchism in such terms by the writer. This definition is not tested, 
but assumed true; it is freed from the possibility of falsification.
 
Or, it must start from an arbitrary selection of cases, from which the definition is 
developed (e.g., Eltzbacher [1900] 1960). The problem here is that the selection lacks 
justification besides anecdote, convention, or personal preference (see van der Walt and 
Schmidt 2009: 35). The basis for the category is thus itself unreasonable; its boundaries 
end up equally so.
 
When Graham insists that anarchism has many 'schools', he fails to provide a reasoned 
basis for this assertion. Having insisted Black Flame has a 'completely circular' 
methodology, Graham simply asserts his claim, and then finds data that fits. When the 
claim is disputed, he can invoke the data thus generated, as evidence to support the 
claim's veracity, thereby presenting alternatives as 'narrow' - a tautology.
 
Jun asserts, also without serious grounds, that 'anarchism' exists 'throughout human 
history.' Once this is taken as true, it is easy enough to find an anarchist 'orientation' 
everywhere. The problem is that the definition rests upon nothing solid. Jun's story of 
the medieval Catholic's limitations reveals his assumptions: anarchism self-evidently 
exists universally; disagreement is evidence of intolerant 'excommunication' or parochial 
ignorance.
 
But the basis for the superiority, even validity, of Jun's definition is never initially 
established.
 
To return to Jun's medieval Catholic: it is well-established that the Christian Church 
first appeared two thousand years ago, attracting police, public, and scholarly attention; 
also that Catholicism was one of its main branches. By contrast, it is hardly self-evident 
that 'anarchism' has existed 'throughout history', or that the movement of Bakunin, 
Kropotkin, Kim, Makhno, Mechoso, Thibedi et al. was merely one isolated branch.
RESPONSE: THE MEANING OF A WORD
 
And what do Graham and Jun mean by 'anarchism'? For Graham, a 'doctrine' wanting society 
'without government', or 'formal structures of hierarchy, command, control and obedience' 
(Graham 2005: xii-xiv). For Jun, a loose 'orientation', fusing 'radical 
antiauthoritarianism and radical egalitarianism', opposing 'morally unjustifiable ... 
authority and inequality', and 'unnatural' or 'arbitrary' inequality, coercion or domination.
 
These are rather different claims, and in neither case is their validity obvious. Why is 
either better than that of Black Flame or one another? Is anarchism a 'doctrine', several 
'doctrines' or an 'orientation'? Opposed to hierarchy or inequality?
 
There is no way of really resolving these issues, since this is discussion of a priori 
assertions. And these are also replete with ambiguities: Is informal hierarchy acceptable 
to Graham's anarchists, or 'obedience' to agreed norms or essential 'control'? In Jun's 
case: what of 'morally' justifiable inequality, or the coercion and domination that is 
neither 'arbitrary' nor 'unjustified', like the military actions of the 1936 Durruti Column?
 
And there is, again, the problem of arbitrary inclusion/exclusion. Both Graham and Jun 
include in their 'anarchist' gallery, figures that demonstrably do not conform to either 
definitions, such as Stirner - who rejected any constraints on individual's right to 
'take' by 'might' whatever they wanted, regardless of 'justice', 'truth' and 'equality' 
(Stirner [1844] 1907: 200, 339, 421, 472).
 
And here we come full circle on the problems of vague definitions.
RESPONSE: SOME NOTES ON ARGUMENTS BY LABELLING
 
Graham claims that insisting that anarchism has definite historical referents is 
'analogous to reducing Marxism to canonical figures and texts'; he speaks of Black Flame 
as promoting 'dogma', while Jun invokes spectres of 'mass excommunications'.
 
Such points are rather unpleasantly framed, tainting Black Flame with a scent of 
heresy-argument-by-labelling that does not take us anywhere.
 
Graham's own anthology work, after all, is a definite attempt to construct a canon of 
'figures and texts'; Jun, too, admits that all political traditions entail some 
exclusions. If this means 'dogma' or 'excommunication', the charge must apply to Graham 
and Jun as well.
CONCLUSION: A CLASS STRUGGLE, GLOBAL CANON - AND WHY
 
The issue is not, then, whether anarchism has definite 'canonical figures and texts', but 
which merit inclusion. Vague claims about the nature of anarchism, developed through weak 
methodologies, cannot provide an adequate basis, since they entail deeply flawed definitions.
 
For its part, Black Flame's approach suggests the need to throw overboard spurious canons 
like the 'seven sages', and to instead develop a historically-based, global canon, an 
accurate reflection of anarchism (and syndicalism) as a historical and contemporary current.
 
This must necessarily include Bakunin and Kropotkin, and while Stirner, Tolstoy and 
Thatcher have no justified place, figures like Goldman, He Zhen, Infantes, Landauer, Liu, 
Flores Mag?n, Makhno, Mechoso, Osugi, Rouco Buela, Shin, Szab?, and Thibedi must surely be 
serious candidates for canonical status.
 
 
AUTHOR: Lucien van der Walt works at Rhodes University, South Africa. He is the author 
(with Michael Schmidt) of Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and 
Syndicalism (2009), and the editor (with Steve Hirsch) of Anarchism and Syndicalism in the 
Colonial and Postcolonial World, 1880-1940 (2010). He has published widely on labour and 
left history and theory, and political economy. Involved in union education and working 
class movements.
 
 
NOTES:
[1] Woodcock (1975) gave Latin America 3 pages, ignoring Africa, Asia, Australasia, and 
most of Eastern Europe; Joll (1964) gave the rest 9 pages; Marshall (1998) gave 2 of 41 
chapters (33 of 706 pages) to Asia and Latin America.
[2 ] For example, his 1905 'Anarchism' (in Kropotkin 1927) deploys quite contradictory 
definitions: anarchism as ancient philosophy (287-288), as 'first formulated' in the 1790s 
(289-290), as new, 19th-century, revolutionary socialism (285-287), as a scheme for 
peaceful reform (290-291) etc.
 
REFERENCES
Bryant, L. 1923. Mirrors of Moscow. New York: Thomas Seltzer.
Eltzbacher, P. [1900]1960. Anarchism. London: Freedom.
Fleming, M. 1979. The Anarchist Way to Socialism: Elis?e Reclus and Nineteenth-Century 
European Anarchism. Lanham, MD: Croom Helm/Rowman Littlefield.
Graham, R., ed. 2005. Anarchism: A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas, Vol. 1: From 
Anarchy to Anarchism, 300 CE to 1939. Montr?al: Black Rose.
Joll, J. 1964. The Anarchists. London: Methuen and Co.
Kropotkin, P. 1927. Kropotkin's Revolutionary Pamphlets. New York: Dover.
Mao Zedong. [1949] 1971. "On the People's Democratic Dictatorship." Selected Readings from 
the Works of Mao Tsetung. Peking: Foreign Languages Press.
Marshall, P. 1998. Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism. New York: Harper 
Perennial.
Rocker, R. [1938] 1989. Anarcho-syndicalism. London: Pluto Press.
Stirner, M. [1844] 1907. The Ego and His Own. New York: B.R. Tucker.
Thatcher, M. 1996. "Speech at Poznan Academy of Economics," July 4: 
http://www.margaretthatcher.org/document/108362.
Van der Walt, L. and S.J. Hirsch. 2010. "Rethinking Anarchism and Syndicalism: The 
Colonial and Post-colonial Experience, 1870-1940," in Lucien van der Walt and S.J. Hirsch, 
eds., Anarchism and Syndicalism in the Colonial and Postcolonial World, 1870-1940. Leiden: 
Brill.
Van der Walt, L. and M. Schmidt. 2009. Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Politics of 
Anarchism and Syndicalism, Vol. 1.: Counter-Power. Oakland: AK Press.
Woodcock, G. 1975. Anarchism, rev. edn. London: Penguin.
 
PDF of this article:
http://lucienvanderwalt.files.wordpress.com/2013/06/van-der-walt-reconstructing-a-global-anarchist-and-syndicalist-canon-a-response-to-graham-and-jun-on-black-flame.pdf
 
Related Link: http://wp.me/p34LBU-aL
 

Brazil, Belo Horizonte , Minas Gerais - Salute to 10 Years of Anarchist Federation of Rio de Janeiro (fr, pt)

Comrades of the anarchist struggle, ---- It is with great enthusiasm and joy that welcomes 
COMPA 10 years of life and struggle of the Anarchist Federation of Rio de Janeiro. ---- In 
fact were decades of accumulation , effort and dedication of an anarchist militancy in the 
state capital which resulted in its foundation on August 20, 2003 . Result of a redemption 
of the fundamental class struggle anarchism of Ideal Peres , F?bio Luz , Jos? Oiticica and 
othe @ s compa?eros , the FARJ today has a basic importance in the history of anarchism in 
Brazil since its infancy in the early years of its foundation , through its constant 
political maturity and strategic consolidated at its First Congress , to the current 
historical advances towards anarchism in their state and in Brazil , with the 
strengthening of the Forum of Organized Anarchism and the foundation of the Brazilian 
Anarchist Coordination .
 
Without the commitment and historical responsibility is anarchy in which its membership is 
established , many of these achievements would be perhaps more distant to reach. The FARJ 
carries in his identity seriously , ethics and humility that translates exquisitely 
principles of anarchism and give you a consistent way to handle the high walk the path of 
popular struggle , arm in arm to the other wrestlers and fighters of the people , 
including it builds , rooted and is legitimate whenever the base toward the Libertarian 
Socialism .
 
The FARJ still occupies a more important position for the COMPA . The emergence of the 
debate around Belo Horizonte anarchist organization especifismo and gave himself for 
admiration , proximity and political inspiration in FARJ and its rich theoretical 
contribution to anarchism . In addition to his social activism and his anarchist influence 
in the struggles of the city of Rio de Janeiro , its importance for national anarchism 
becomes the construction of organized anarchism in CAB and what it represents to the other 
organizations that are beginning to build .
 
Therefore , we welcome with great esteem the tenth anniversary of FARJ , paying these 
humble homage to our companion struggle and its unparalleled dedication to building the 
fight for anarchism and Libertarian Socialism .
 
Freedom , Life and much -Blood Claw to Ti? of Anarchism !
He high and glorious moose flights into the horizon that melts the Dawn of Social Revolution !
Anarchism is Fight !
 
COMPA - Miner Popular Anarchist Collective
You are subscribed to email updates from COMPA
 

urgent expulsion bientot‏ - Calais - de la Beer house et Syrian House -

Appel au secours de Calais 

Help needed in Calais!

contact: http://calaismigrantsolidarity.wordpress.com/

Il semble que l'évacuation de la Beer house et Syrian House est prévue lundi prochain,
lundi 1 septembre

Nous avons besoin de monde et de voitures

200 personnes vont être à la rue.

venez dès que vous pouvez , faire ce que vous pourrez.

mp

depuis hier nouvelle tentative de squat légal à l'ancienne maison "Le Toit" près de Caillette

It seems that the evacuation of the Beer house and Syrian House is expected next Monday
Monday, September 1
We need people and cars
200 people will be on the street.
come when you can, do what you can.

mp

yesterday retry legal squat in the old house "The Roof" near Caillette

Info Nieuwsbrief‏ Blokbuster

Beste antifascist,
 
Hierbij een nieuwe editie van de Blokbuster Nieuwsbrief met uitgebreide 
aandacht voor de 50ste verjaardag van de toespraak 'I have a dream' van 
Martin Luther King. We hebben het over de achtergrond van die toespraak, 
maar ook over racisme in de VS vandaag.
 
Verder gaan we in op enkele elementen uit de actualiteit en hebben we 
voor de liefhebbers wat correspondentie per e-mail in de nieuwsbrief 
gezwierd zodat de lezer kan meegenieten van de 'argumentatie' van 
extreemrechts.
 
Graag roepen we tenslotte op om deel te nemen aan het verzet tegen de 
GAS-boetes. Op 26 oktober is er een nationale betoging tegen het 
opvoeren van de lokale willekeur en repressie met de Gemeentelijke 
Administratieve Sancties.
 
De Nieuwsbrief van Blokbuster vind je via http://wp.me/a3CbqJ-1Qq of 
direct de pdf downloaden: 
http://blokbuster.be/nl/wp-content/uploads/2013/08/bbnws30aug2013.pdf
 
Antifascistische groeten,
Geert Cool

Vrouwen in detentie centrum van Brugge,Les femmes au centre ferm? de Bruges, Women detained in the closed centre in Bruges: (gettingthevoiceout@riseup.net)

NL
 
http://www.gettingthevoiceout.org/vrouwen-in-detentie-centrum-van-brugge/
 
FR
 
http://www.gettingthevoiceout.org/les-femmes-au-centre-ferme-de-bruges/
 
Engl
 
http://www.gettingthevoiceout.org/women-detained-in-the-closed-centre-in-bruges/

(gettingthevoiceout@riseup.net)

Werk is misdaad‏ - Zaterdag 28 september om 16U -Le travail est un crime - Samedi 28 septembre à 16H

Discussion sur le texte "Le travail est un crime" de HJ Schuurman

A l'époque 'Le travail est un crime' était un pamphlet radical contre l'exploitation capitaliste par le travail et qui mettait en avant l'homme créateur. Cet analyse n'a pas perdu, même dans un contexte changeant, son ampleur et est récemment éditée dans plusieurs langues. Sous la forme d'un groupe de lecture et de discussion, partant des idées des personnes présentes, nous désirons approfondir la discussion sur l'envie de vie de l'homme libre créateur, la souffrance humaine par le travail, comment combattre les revendications des syndicats réformistes et en même temps la présence dans la lutte contre le travail,...

Le point de départ de cette discussion est le pamphlet et l'histoire du groupe 'De Moker', qui décrit bien les idées pionnières et hors des normes qui sont défendues par les jeunes du groupe De Moker. Afin d'avoir plus de temps pour une discussion approfondie – et éviter une longue présentation et biographie – le texte est disponible en français et anglais au local ou un pdf francophone ici.

Werken is misdaad

Donderdag 3 oktober om 19U30

Discussie over de tekst “Werken is misdaad” van HJ Schuurman

‘Werken is misdaad’ was indertijd een radicaal pamflet tegen de kapitalistische uitbuiting door arbeid en voor de scheppende mens. Deze analyse heeft, ondanks de veranderende context, niet aan actualiteit moeten inboeten en werd onlangs dan ook samen met de boeiende historiek van de Mokergroep in Nederland in verschillende talen uitgegeven. Onder de vorm van een lees-discussie, vertrekkende van de input van de aanwezigen willen we de discussie uitdiepen over de levensdrift van de vrij scheppende mens, het geestdodende van werk, hoe de strijd met de eisen van de reformistische syndicaten aan te gaan en tegelijkertijd aanwezig te zijn in de strijd rond werk,…

Het vertrekpunt van de discussie is het pamflet en de historiek van de Mokergroep, die een goede schets geeft van de baanbrekende denormerende ideeën die toen door jonge Mokers uitgedragen werden. Om veel tijd voor een inhoudelijke discussie te hebben – en een lange presentatie en schets te vermijden – is de tekst in het Engels, Frans en Nederlands beschikbaar in het lokaal of een franstalige versie op de website www.acrata.be).