Le elezioni per il rinnovo del parlamento dell'Unione europea (UE)
tenutesi dal 6 al 9 giugno scorso, hanno confermato un'avanzata delladestra anche nelle sue componenti più estreme, una tendenza questa che a
livello continentale è stata solo parzialmente contrastata dai risultati
delle elezioni legislative francesi tenutesi il 30 giugno us e da quelli
delle elezioni politiche svoltesi in Inghilterra nel luglio successivo
laddove, rispettivamente, l'ascesa dello schieramento reazionario del
francese Rassemblement National (RN) di Marine Le Pen, già vincitore
alle elezioni europee, è stata arrestata dalla vittoria del Nouveau
Front Populaire (NFP) costituito da un'alleanza di partiti politici di
sinistra, e i conservatori inglesi sono stati sconfitti dai laburisti.
Le sopradette vittorie alle elezioni politiche in Francia e in
Inghilterra sono state salutate in Italia con un'enfasi irritante che ha
celato una consapevole volontà di decontestualizzazione, considerando
che sono state assunte acriticamente quale premessa per la ricostruzione
di una sinistra unita, al fine di contrastare l'egemonia della destra
anche nelle sue configurazioni nazionalfasciste e per una concreta
ipotesi di governo delle sinistre.
Naturalmente non poteva mancare il riferimento alla situazione
negli USA, ma questa omissione è stata risolta da Walter Veltroni il
quale ha autorevolmente affermato:
"Harris deve unire radicali e moderati dem. Battere Trump significa
salvare la democrazia". (La Stampa del 25/07/24.
Tutte queste esternazioni che si sono susseguite, alternando,
superficialità, ingenuità ed arroganza, hanno comunque chiarito il vero
intendimento strategico della sinistra parlamentare, anche in
considerazione che l'intera sinistra italiana nelle sue componenti
politiche e sindacali, dalle più moderate e di massa a quelle più
radicali e di minoranza, lamentano tutte l'assenza di una o più sponde
politiche parlamentari in grado di traghettare le istanze sociali nelle
istituzioni dello stato, delegando loro la difesa degli interessi
della nostra classe che diviene così espropriata da ogni possibilità di
controllo.
Oltre le migliori intenzioni proprie di chi in passato si è
addentrato in questi percorsi politici e istituzionali, vi è la concreta
realtà dei rapporti di forza tra capitale e lavoro che, in assenza di
conflitto sociale generalizzato, tira nel senso del capitale
specialmente nelle istituzioni, laddove si svolge un'inevitabile
mediazione al ribasso e a totale sfavore degli interessi delle classi
subalterne.
The history of social conflict shows instead that the greatest
victories have not been obtained "in parliament" as a certain now
generalized reformist rhetoric wearily replies, but with the
mobilizations organized and well prepared by a widespread militant
political and trade union fabric, capable of generalizing the objectives
by imposing on the employers and the institutions a more equitable
redistribution of the social wealth produced that does not feed profits
and incomes but the material interests of our class for its liberation,
even if partial, from need: but the militant fabric is now worn out and
this constitutes an aspect on which it is necessary and urgent to start
a reflection.
On the other hand, there is little to be happy about because in
France the " anti-fascist glue" constituted by the need to contain the
rise to government of M. Le Pen's RN and which allowed the victory of
the NFP, has rapidly weakened with the
resurfacing of old controversies between the various political
components, aggravated by inevitable conflicts for the conquest of
leadership, which have allowed Macron to implement that "divide and
conquer" to separate the components of the NFP more tied to the
moderation of the Socialist Party (PS) from Jean-Luc Mélenchon's France
Insoumise (FI) , further widening a disagreement that also concerns
ongoing conflicts such as the war in Ukraine, which sees the Socialists
against sending troops to the battlefields but in favor of continuing to
send weapons to the government in Kiev, while Malenchon has taken a more
possibilist position that also includes a certain opposition to NATO.
In England, the defeat of the Conservatives allowed the triumph of
the Labour Party, a party that was itself moderate and warmongering,
historically oriented towards neoliberalism.
In fact, the previous Labour governments led by Tony Blair
(1997-2007) distinguished themselves in completing the plan for major
industrial restructuring and all the privatisations of public companies
already planned by the previous Conservative governments of M. Thatcher
(1979-1990), which impoverished the lower classes and weakened the
unions, providing open support for the imperialist conflicts in Kosovo
(1999) and Iraq (2003). Today in England the Labour Party is preparing
to govern on the basis of a replicated neoliberalism, but in a crisis
situation that sees a fall in GDP, together with the exposure of Great
Britain in the costly war in Ukraine: history therefore repeats itself.
The scenarios that are taking place in England and France, as well
as in the EU and the USA, are complex, contradictory and not reassuring,
which open up to new perspectives and which must be analyzed in the
context of the clash between the powers for the control of the world
market that involves the weak and divided imperialism of the EU which,
moreover, is banking on the renewed election of Von der Leyen by a
composite and contradictory alignment that includes the EPP, the
European Socialists (to which our PD adheres), the Greens and also
sectors of the more left-wing components.
The Italian government presented itself divided at this deadline
where FI brought its support in favor of the election of Von der Leyen,
while the League and FdI denied it, thus confirming an indisputable
proof of weakness that will in any case be destined to weigh heavily on
the future structures of the EU that are announced as unfavorable to the
Meloni government.
But the new European Parliament did not waste time and approved, as
its first measure, the increase in arms supplies to Ukraine (up to now,
the EU's arms supply to Ukraine has reached the ceiling of 88 billion)
and the removal of all limitations on their use, including on Russian
soil (495 votes in favour; 137 against, 47 abstentions). The measure
also includes a request to member states to accelerate and relaunch the
production capacity of military industries by allocating at least 0.25%
of GDP to military aid to Ukraine, all without any reference to the
possibility of diplomatic actions for peace.
With this prompt measure, the EU intended to demonstrate its total
subordination to US imperialism, NATO and rearmament policies, by
implementing a conscious and conspicuous aid to the European war
industry paid at the price of containing public spending and therefore
at the sole expense of the workers and the subordinate classes of the Union.
For the record, FdI and PD voted for the new European aid to the
Kiev government, albeit with different motivations, some announced
difficulties and some defections.
The political elections held in the EU also saw a modest voter
turnout (an average of 51.05%, with the sole exception of Germany with
64.74%). This, however, was partially halted in the legislative
elections held in England (60.01%) and France (66.63%).
In Italy, however, the abstentionist phenomenon manifested itself
with a tendency to increase, reaching a turnout at the polls below the
EU average and equal to 48.31%.
The phenomenon of abstentionism, if on the one hand it should not
be demonized as the father of all misfortunes, neither should it be
assumed as a homogeneous fact, capable of expressing a generalized
tendency towards rebellion.
Abstentionism is a complex, multifaceted and above all
contradictory phenomenon, which must be analysed within the context of
the crisis of bourgeois democracy and its institutions, as it is
manifesting itself in the imperialist competition:
decision-making centers move well beyond individual states,
undermining their authority and their decision-making capacity,
concentrating themselves in uncontrollable areas where the balance of
power between powers prevails.
Therefore, continuing to consider parliamentarism as a viable
strategy to control ongoing capitalist processes is frankly illusory.
Abstentionism is a social phenomenon that also includes qualified
class minorities that must however be intercepted by the political
intervention of the Revolutionary Organization.
Even in the international anarchist communist sphere we have
witnessed the efforts of the Union Communiste Libertaire (UCL), our
French sister political organization which, rather than hiding behind an
ideological and principled abstentionism, has expressed, albeit
critically, a position of support for the NFP, a position motivated by
the tactical need not to isolate itself from a mass context capable of
containing the reaction and opening new spaces for class intervention,
without any electoral and parliamentary illusions.
However, it is also worth noting our more critical position, which
identifies the French NFP as a contradictory experience that could also
replicate the electoral illusion, causing new and lethal
disorientations, as has also happened in Italy, Spain and Greece.
In our country the government appears divided on the war. The Prime
Minister has not yet commented on the new Ukrainian offensive on Kursk,
while the League declares itself resolutely against the use of Italian
weapons on Russian soil: and while the public debt stands at 2919
billion euros compared to the month of May, establishing a
alarming record, the government is preparing to introduce measures to
increase military spending in compliance with the limit of 2% of GDP
which, evidently, has not yet been exceeded, all in compliance with the
wishes of the USA and NATO and the war industry.
In this context of war and of the employers' and governments'
offensive against the conditions of the subaltern classes, social
opposition manifests itself in areas that remain isolated, failing to
generalize to these broader contexts.
This is because the trade union organization is now weakened in the
workplace and with it the militant and political fabric of reference,
and this does not allow for a widespread reality of disputes in
companies, territories and national bargaining.
The capitalist logic of profit and its concentration is therefore
not effectively countered by conflict and is spreading throughout
society to the detriment of our class, undermining the quality of life,
the rights achieved, health and safety in the territories and places of
work, promoting poverty and marginalization.
The state of opposition social movements also suffers from the same
limitations and the struggles for the defense of the environment, the
mobilizations for peace that have seen student movements at the
forefront, as well as the struggles of women for the defense of their
conquests and, in general, the widespread struggles for the right to
housing, to basic public services, such as health and education and for
the protection of the weakest social strata are unable to find the unity
necessary to counter the ongoing employer and government attack.
In this situation, the CGIL, the largest Italian trade union, is
leading a "referendum opposition" which is not accompanied by social
conflict but which, in fact, replaces it.
Therefore, there is no longer any trade union action, both in terms
of disputes and contracts, capable of uniting entire categories of
workers, precarious workers and non-workers with the social realities of
opposition movements, which is instead delegated to an action entirely
projected on the political and institutional level, namely the
referendum, which does not allow the sedimentation of a broad militant
fabric capable of acting effectively in a unitary perspective in
situations of crisis and government and employer attacks, without,
moreover, averting a new electoral defeat. All this is happening in a
situation of recrudescence of neo-fascist squads openly protected by the
institutions and of government repression with respect to freedom of the
press and freedom to demonstrate, increasing the penalties already
provided for by the penal code against any dissent, even verbal.
What emerges clearly from the phase we are dramatically
experiencing are the widespread armed conflicts that in the world have
now reached the number of 56, the highest since 1945, in an "escalation"
that increasingly brings the risk of a third world war closer.
This is the framework in which we are witnessing a generalized
attack on the environment that is taking place not only on the
unfortunately widespread battlefields, but throughout the planet whose
defense and maintenance of the territories is completely neglected by
this government as by the previous ones, culpably omitting the
consequences of the capitalist management of the territories that,
privileging profit (absence of maintenance, increase in large
infrastructure works), has certainly contributed to accelerating the
devastating processes of climate change.
Peace, the social and class question and the environmental question
are objectives that cannot proceed separately, but must sediment those
profound unitary processes that only the conscious and organised
militant action of the comrades present in the trade union movements and
mass movements is able to carry out for the overcoming of capitalism,
for a world of peace, freedom, equality and defence of the environment
in all its implications.
These are the goals of our political and organizational action.
Alternativa Libertaria/FdCA
http://alternativalibertaria.fdca.it/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
Geen opmerkingen:
Een reactie posten