Since the fall of Bashar al-Assad, the cards have been reshuffled for
the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) in Rojava.Here, we share the perspective of our internationalist comrades from
Têkosîna Anarsîst on the recent agreements between the Syrian Democratic
Forces (SDF) and Ahmed al-Sharaa, leader of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS)
and interim president of Syria. In December 2024, the HTS offensive in
Syria precipitated the fall of Bashar al-Assad. The Syrian Democratic
Forces (a predominantly Kurdish military force) agreed to some
concessions in the hope of finding common ground with the rebel group.
These moves paved the way for the agreements signed on March 10, 2025,
between Mazlum Abdi, commander of the SDF, and Ahmed al-Sharaa in
Damascus. The first step in implementing these agreements was the
withdrawal of the YPG and YPJ[1]from the Kurdish neighborhoods of
Aleppo. The Assayish (local security forces) will remain in the
neighborhoods, with the promise of being integrated into the internal
security structures.
But why did the commander of the SDF, a force of over 100,000 people,
travel to Damascus to sign an agreement with the leader of HTS, whose
strength is estimated at 30,000? To understand this, one must consider
the influence of Turkey, which controls the Syrian National Army (SNA,
with 60,000 fighters) and allows Western governments to negotiate with
Damascus and other Arab countries. Turkey has been an important ally of
HTS for several years. Turkish military bases around Idlib have deterred
the Syrian Arab Army from entering the area in force. This allowed HTS
to consolidate its forces and prepare for the offensive that delivered
the final blow to the decrepit regime.
The Turkish State Against the AANES
Turkey's support is long-standing, and several representatives of the
interim government have close ties to the Turkish state: the new Syrian
Foreign Minister, Assad Hassan al-Shaibni, recently completed his
doctorate at Istanbul University. The Grand Mufti of Syria, and new head
of the Supreme Fatwa Council, Osama al-Rifai, maintains close ties with
Erdogan. Many SNA division commanders were appointed to important
positions in the new army, such as Abu Amsha, head of the Hamza Division
responsible for the assassination of Kurdish politician Hevrin Xalef in
2019. These are just a few examples. This massive influence poses a
threat to the AANES. Erdogan's expansionist dreams and his war against
the Kurdish movement have made the destruction of Rojava a priority.
Negotiations with the Syrian interim government therefore seemed the
only alternative to avoid all-out war against Turkey. Al-Sharaa
disapproves of this dependence on Turkey, and reaching agreements with
Syrian forces thus reaffirms its nationalist narrative of "Syria for the
Syrians." This situation also comes at a time when Israel is expanding
its influence in the south by expanding its "security zone" beyond the
already occupied Golan Heights[2]. The emergence of a new state is
always a period of weakness for a leader, who needs every possible
alliance to consolidate his or her hold. However, all AANES institutions
have already expressed their strong disagreement with the new
constitution proposed by al-Sharaa. Nevertheless, making concessions can
ensure a degree of autonomy for the future. Têkosîna Anarsîst (TA) is a
military unit integrated into the International Liberation Battalion.
Founded in 2017, it is composed primarily of international personnel.
Têkosîna Anarsîst
One of the key points of the agreements is the right of return of
displaced populations. Currently, many families from Afrin[3]are already
returning. Some contingents linked to the interim government will likely
be present in the region. However, the kidnappings, executions, and
looting of Kurdish homes, which have taken place since the beginning of
the Turkish occupation in 2018, will likely not continue at the same level.
Another important point of the agreement is the recognition of Kurdish
identity. Until now, the official name of Syria was the "Syrian Arab
Republic," which excluded other minorities who have lived in the country
for millennia. One of the most visible aspects of this situation is
language, with Arabic being the only language permitted in state
institutions. AANES's efforts to reorganize a Kurdish-language education
system have led to an extraordinary revival of their culture, and the
new government is now forced to accept it.
Negotiation or Weakening
What will become of the self-governing institutions established by
AANES? Ongoing negotiations focus on the integration of local
administrative institutions into the new state structure. But will
municipalities and local councils have formal authority over their
neighborhoods? Will municipal administrations continue their work and
will the state accept their autonomy? Or will it send representatives to
enforce its authority under threat of arrest and military action? These
questions also extend to the armed forces. The SDF is in negotiations to
be integrated into the new army, with Mazlum Abdi stating that such
integration can only take place if the SDF retains autonomy and command
over its areas. This move aims to challenge not only the centralized
authority of nation-states, but also their monopoly on violence, by
guaranteeing not only self-governance but also self-defense. The AANES
is prepared to resolve these issues through diplomacy but also to defend
itself if negotiations fail. From a libertarian perspective, these
negotiations can be seen as a betrayal of revolutionary principles. But
many of us have been here long enough to know that their political
maneuvers are often well-planned and calculated. Our idealism and
revolutionary dreams brought us to Rojava, and here we met our Kurdish
comrades who not only talked about libertarian municipalism, but who
also practiced it and were able to defend it. Their ideas of democratic
confederalism may not be exactly anarchist, but after more than forty
years of revolutionary struggle, they have sufficient experience and
have been able to learn from their mistakes. Perhaps these negotiations
with the new Syrian state signal the end of the revolution. But we
seriously doubt it. And that is why we have decided to continue
defending this revolution, because we have much to learn from it.
Anarchist Têkosîna
Validate
[1]The People's Protection Units (YPG) and Women's Protection Units
(YPJ) are military movements belonging to the SDF.
[2]Plateau located in Syria, but annexed in 1981 by Israel.
[3]Syrian town located 30 km from the Turkish border.
https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Syrie-Le-Rojava-apres-la-chute-du-regime
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