Correspondence with some of our readers has raised concerns about our positions on the war in Ukraine, to the point that some of them consider our positions to be Russian-language. We mistakenly thought we had been clear in our articles on the war, but evidently, that's not the case. So it's time to clarify our position once again . ---- After what emerged about the events in Maidan Square, about the CIA's efforts to provoke the events that led to the nationalist coup in Ukraine, about the establishment of 12 secret CIA bases in the country, and about the precedents of the so-called "special operation," it's clear that the rhetoric of Ukraine being attacked no longer convinces anyone, and that, in any case, the aggression is not enough to justify defending the attacked country. Proof of this is the fact that no one has proposed coming to Iran's aid.
It should also be remembered that the war in Ukraine, which began in 2014, is also a civil war between a segment of the country's Russian-speaking population and another, nationalist, xenophobic, and Nazi-oriented one. It is a proxy war, waged and desired by the Western mainstream, using Ukrainians as cannon fodder to pursue Kissinger's and Brezinsky's political objective of dissolving the Russian state and feasting on its ruins. Our stance could only be to observe and comment on what was happening, looking at events from the perspective of the interests of the Italian proletariat.
While we have no sympathy for the political regime currently governing Russia, share none of Vladimir Putin's distinctive social vision, and have no political sympathy for his government, and are clear that Russia's interests are imperial, aimed at providing a common home for all Russian-speaking and Russian-cultured peoples, we could only approach what was happening from the perspective of defending the interests of the proletariat, and therefore from a class perspective.
Given that the war would be economically supported by the states of Europe and that the interruption of economic relations with Russia would damage the European economy, benefiting the United States and other international competitors of the European economies, causing a decline in the well-being of the peoples of Europe and risking driving the European proletariat to war, we could not help but oppose support for the policies of the Ukrainian state and rely on a total and radical defeat of Ukraine to prevent the resources of European countries from being channeled into the war effort, to the detriment of welfare and the functioning of European economies.
Ours is an internationalist and class-based position, anti-war, anti-imperialist, and anti-colonial, given Great Britain's ambitions for Russian territory and the anti-Russian revanchism of the Baltic states, which seek revenge against the Russians, their historic enemies, and use other European countries as foolish servants to their agenda.
Approaching the problem from the perspective and with the tools of historical materialism, we knew well that eastern Ukraine, corresponding to the territories now known as Novorossiya, was the cradle of one of the most advanced segments of the Russian proletariat, a point of emigration to the Americas, via the port of Odessa, a territory that hosted many of the Russians expelled from the United States following the major repression of the trade union movement in the United States in 2017. We knew that in those territories the Makhnovist groups were born, which had the merit of opposing the liberal nationalist Petliura governments and thwarted the counterrevolutionary attempts of Wrangel, Denikin, and Yudenich, which originated precisely from those territories financed. And not coincidentally, by the British. We therefore recognized the genuine class status of the populations of Donbass and neighboring territories, dedicated to the activities of miners, workers, and small farmers, and therefore our solidarity could only be with this part of the country.
Historically, we were fully aware that present-day Ukraine, in its territorial configuration as a state, included Crimea, whose administration had been conferred to the country thanks to the fact that many of the former Soviet Communist Party leaders were of Ukrainian origin, such as Khrushchev, who ordered the administrative transfer, entrusting Crimea to Ukraine in 1956; that the territories of Volhynia, Transcarpathia, and the Trier Oblast had been a "kind gift" from Stalin to the Ukrainian state, and that the central core of the country was assuming a colonial position vis-à-vis the other territories. Hence, no support for the "integrity" of Ukraine and the expectation that sooner or later these populations would return to their countries of origin. The nationalist construction of Ukraine, carried out on an ethnic basis, claiming Finnish descent from Northern European merchants and the genuinely Ukrainian populations who traveled the country's great rivers and who gave rise to the first urban agglomerations, appears to us as an artificial, xenophobic, nationalist, and racial construct that aims to impose the use of the language on the rest of the population and seeks to create a sugar-coated narrative of history in order to build a nation around Kiev.
We also noted that modern Ukraine has introduced a set of laws that discriminate against religious freedom, repress linguistic and minority rights, deny fundamental rights, and have established censorship of opposition parties. This has vested power in a class of oligarchs in no way dissimilar from the Russian class, indeed deeply connected to it in terms of governance practices, exercise of power, and interests, creating a country with one of the highest rates of corruption in the world. This set of laws is entirely contrary to the Community's aequities, making Ukraine incompatible with other European countries and jeopardizing its accession to the Union.
Our hopes for a complete military defeat for Ukraine-the sooner the better for the interests of the proletariat of other European countries-and for a defeat on the battlefield that would save many Ukrainians, with the end of hostilities, are further confirmed by the progress of the war on the front and in its rear. One by one, the fortified cities of Eastern Ukraine inevitably fall to the advancing Russian troops, causing the destruction of industrial, logistical, and economic facilities due to the bombings. Meanwhile, the lands are polluted, the population decimated not only by the war but also by the exodus to the West, fueling an already existing diaspora and, paradoxically, by an exodus of as many as 8 million Ukrainians who have sought refuge in Russia, an enemy country.
Let us believe there is enough evidence to consider pro-Ukrainian propaganda a diseased product of a diseased West that has not lost its habit of imperialism and colonialism.
The Editorial Staff
https://www.ucadi.org/2026/09/06/ucraina-le-nostre-ragioni/
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Source: A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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