On July 30, 2026, approximately 60,000 people (and over 1,000 unreported deaths), driven by Moroccan and perhaps other intelligence agents, aided by Moroccan border police, crossed the border dividing the exclave of Ceuta from Morocco, effectively invading what is Spanish territory but belongs neither to Europe nor the Schengen area . The exodus stemmed from a series of fake news stories that led them to believe that by entering Spanish territory they could take advantage of the measures enacted by the Sánchez government granting residence permits (not citizenship) to people who had been in Spain for years and had certified employment. The migrants pushed to invade Ceuta believed, also based on a ruling by the Spanish Supreme Court, which rightly recognizes the right of asylum seekers to have their claims evaluated, that they could benefit from this measure once they reached metropolitan Spain. But for this to happen, they would have had to cross the canal, which was no easy feat. It was therefore an invasion of Morocco for the purpose of territorial acquisition.
It must be said that Morocco is no stranger to these methods used to resolve domestic and foreign policy issues affecting the country: just remember the so-called "Green March" in November 1975, led by the king himself to gain control of the Saharawi, a former Spanish possession, plundering it of its mineral resources, especially phosphates, and fishing rights along its coasts. It is worth remembering that the march ended with Morocco's de facto acquisition of the territory and the settlement of Moroccan populations there, expelling the native populations, who were forced to live in desert camps on Algerian soil and attempt to oppose the illegitimate occupation of their territory with guerrilla warfare.The same strategy has been advocated since March 12, 2026, by Michael Rubin, a former Pentagon official and senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute (a highly influential foreign policy think tank), who published a commentary on the institute's website, according to which the US should recognize Ceuta and Melilla as occupied Moroccan territory, following Trump's recognition in his first term of Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara and Rabat's recommendation to send bulldozers to the border and enter Ceuta and Melilla unarmed, raising the Moroccan flag.
The US push to attack Spain was reinforced in April by statements from Mario Diaz-Balart, chairman of the US Congressional Committee on National Security and Rubio's advisor, who told the newspaper "El Espanol" that Ceuta and Melilla are not on Spanish territory, but Moroccan territory. Israelis, on "Ynet," one of the country's major news sites, asked: "The Abraham Accords reach the Straits. How can Israel help Morocco reclaim its North?" They identified support through preferential channels with Washington as the main route, and called for an attack on Spain, which recognizes Palestine while maintaining its African enclaves. This would give substance to the Abraham Accords and punish a NATO member that has repeatedly obstructed the alliance's action.
Fully aware of these circumstances, the Spanish government responded to the attempted invasion by closing all businesses in Ceuta and making the city uninhabitable, thus forcing more than 50,000 people to immediately return to Morocco. But by then, the initiative's advertising campaign had achieved its full effect: terrorizing European public opinion with the threat of an invasion. Italy and Denmark called for the suspension of Schengen, asserting that these migrants could enter Europe, and promoted a meeting of the interior ministers of 22 European countries, which was also attended by Austria, Bulgaria, Croatia, Estonia, Germany, Hungary, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Romania, Slovakia, Belgium, the Czech Republic, Cyprus, Greece, Finland, Latvia, Malta, Poland, and Slovenia.
Morocco as an "agent provocateur"
Aware that this was a provocation, we must ask ourselves who orchestrated it and why they chose Morocco as the agent to carry it out, and who is interested in causing problems for the Sanchez government. As the facts demonstrate, the United States, first and foremost, has not digested Sanchez's refusal to use US bases in Spain as a launching pad for an attack on Iran; another factor is Sanchez's policy toward the State of Israel.
Morocco is a close ally of the United States, having signed the "Abraham Pact" recognizing Israel. The country effectively serves as a US bridgehead in Africa, allowing it to penetrate a continent where the United States is increasingly marginalized. Furthermore, as is well known, Morocco is a country largely infiltrated by Israel, which controls its ruling class and mainstream media. The strong, though small, Jewish community that has operated there for centuries is well-received, strong, and protected by its sovereign. A sovereign, however, who remains distant from the country, lives in France and has delegated the management of the state to his court, made up of wealthy landowners and the owners of the large industrial and mining conglomerates that dominate the country. The link between the Moroccan ruling class and international finance has historically been André Azoulay, economic advisor to King Hassan II (from 1991 to 1999) and his son Muhammad VI, and also a member of the Board of the Banque Paris-Bass, as well as a representative of the Moroccan Jewish community, who has effectively guided Moroccan policy. The role of the Jewish component in Moroccan politics was enshrined in the 2011 constitutional reform, which among other things recognized its importance to the country's life.
But the Moroccan economic system also relies on the European Union to develop, for which it operates through lobbying at the European Commission in Brussels. These lobbyists corrupt European officials and politicians, as several recently brought to light (Quatargate 2022) have demonstrated. They have also implicated elected officials from both the right and left to obtain concessions for Morocco's agricultural economy and exports, competing with the production of European Mediterranean countries through preferential treatment, obtaining recognition of fishing rights, and political cover for the occupation of the Saharawi people.
Morocco is a Muslim state whose ruler considers himself the direct heir of Muhammad, and is therefore a sacred figure, who takes advantage of his institutional position to exercise strict control over the practice of religion, despite professing a moderate Islam. The Moroccan government's Ministry of Islamic Studies manages all mosques in Europe, mostly of the Malaki rite, funded by Morocco. These mosques, together with those in Turkey, constitute one of the strongest networks of Islamic religious structures on the European continent. It exercises strict control over them and, through them, over the migrant population that congregates there, guaranteeing full cooperation with Western security systems, especially in monitoring second and third generations, to counter re-Islamization. For this combination of reasons, Moroccan police authorities are well-regarded within European security circles, willing to turn a blind eye, and perhaps even two, to their activities.
The image effect of Ceuta
Even though the 60,000 were turned away, the "image effect" of a human avalanche pouring into a territory that claims to be European but is actually foreign to the continent continues to play out and will continue to serve as a warning and a scare, enabling and legitimizing the security policies of Meloni and the Danish prime minister, a self-styled socialist. The latter is known for her failed economic management, not so much because of emigration, but for having squandered the country's wealth to finance the war in Ukraine. Now that she sees the population's high standard of living compromised, she needs the fight against emigration to shore up her questionable actions. After being one of the US's most faithful and foolish allies, Denmark finds itself under pressure from Trump, who demands Greenland, which the country exploited with colonial policies and the sterilization of its indigenous populations.
The search for solutions to the migration problem through the outsourcing of migrants through the creation of hotspots in countries such as Albania, Kosovo, and Rwanda has failed miserably. This ignores the real reasons behind the measures enacted by the Sánchez government, which, beyond any speculation, are aimed at regulating and regularizing Spain's internal labor market, combating undeclared work, promoting integration, and allowing migrant workers to fully enter the Spanish tax system. This is especially true given that many of these workers come from Latin American countries, where Spanish-speaking and culturally diverse people are more easily integrated than migrants from other countries. What is enviable about Spain at this time is the fact that it is the only country with a higher economic growth rate than
all other EU countries. This is precisely because Spain has made far-sighted political strategies and economic development plans, addressing growing energy needs through the development of renewables. It must be said, however, that these policies are being called into question by scandals affecting the government, due to the behavior of some of its members or their families. However, on a factual level, they are particularly effective.
By falling into the trap of viewing the events in Ceuta as an invasion and as proof of the failure of the Sánchez government's immigration policy, Spaniards, and even the left, would end up playing into the hands of right-wing parties in every European country, who rightly see Spain as an alternative to their own policies and fear the spread of support for the Spanish government's policies.
The end of European Union solidarity
The disorganized reaction of Meloni and Frederiksen to the events in Ceuta, and the substantial failure of the interior ministers' meeting called by the two prime ministers, who seized the opportunity to suspend the Schengen Agreement, speaks volumes about these governments' need to cover up their repeated failures in social, economic, and foreign policy with migration policies. The failure of their migration containment strategies, based on hotspots in third countries and repatriations, although endorsed by the European Union with the recent agreement on new migration management, is demonstrated by the increased conflict on this issue between different countries and by Germany's decision to send migrants back to their first-arrival countries, accentuating the overall political crisis within the Union and the solidarity between the various countries. The needs of the policies of Northern European countries and those of the first-arrival Mediterranean countries are too different.
The Editorial Staff
https://www.ucadi.org/2026/09/06/ceuta-facimme-ammuina/
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Source: - A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
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